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Amuse yourself, therefore, as much as you like in my absence, and I shall do the same, until such time as we shall again be able to share our pleasures conjointly : I should like to do this last in this place, where one enjoys such perfect liberty, where one can sing " Maintenon and Nouilles " without fear of the Bastille, and where I can sit and write at my win- dow, whilst you, perhaps, at this very moment, are shivering with cold.

It runs out of a very great cavern, as deep as any well, at the foot of a mountain, round which is a great number of lesser ones, which furnish so much water that it forms the river formerly Saiga, but now called Soigues, which made Petrarch call it "the Queen of Fountains. He was the son of a notary in Florence, who in company with his wife and two sons, Francesco and Gherardo, was banished for political reasons from his native city in the year , at the same time as Dante.

The family took up their residence at Avignon, and brought Francesco up as a lawyer ; but he left this profession, and became with his brother, a non-tonsured clerical ; but this life he also gave up, being addicted, unfortunately, to an irregular and dissolute mode of living, whereby the lustre of his wonderful genius was greatly tar- nished.

It has never been known for certain who was the Laura of his poems, but many have supposed if she were not a mythical per- son , that she was the daughter of Audebert de Noves, syndic of Avignon, and wife of Hugues, son of Paul de Sade ; but no suspicion of any criminal passion rests on the reputation of this beautiful lady, if she were in truth the object of the poet's love, for he seems to have "adored her from afar," and even travelled to distant lands to conquer his hopeless attachment He was never married, but left two natural sons.

I think that better verses might have been made for it by Marot ; but, of course, poetry written by a king is always good! Pierre de Luxembourg. The former, by divine inspiration, built the bridge of Avignon, and was discovered in perfect preservation, buried under one and day in the same month as Petrarch first fell in love with her. Qui te pourra louer, qu'en se taisant? He was bom 12 15, at Isemia in Abruzzo, and was known before ascending the pontifical throne , as Pietro of Mourrhon or Monte Murrone.

He was Pope for only one year, , and died May 19, Thus, being but twelve years of age, he published the cause of his being sent ; and to confirm the truth of his mission, did himself carry a great stone which thirty men could scarcely move, and laid it at the foundation of the first pile of the bridge.

This was the cause that several other bridges were built upon the Rhone, where still the people had very much difficulty to pass over, because of the violent swiftness of this river. His mother, without wasting time in screams and lamentations, gathered up her child's mutilated remains, put them in a sack, and carried them away and placed them on the saint's tomb.

Whilst she was. He was a son of a native of Cahors, in Querci, named Amaude de Ossa, a poor shoemaker. He was a man of great talents and wit, and built many splendid edifices in Avignon, and died on the 4th of December , aged ninety, leaving property to the amount of twenty- eight millions of ducats, and seventeen hundred thousand florins of gold. The latter is a fish we do not see in Paris, but there is plenty of it here ; it is larger than a salmon, and I never in my life tasted anything better.

I wish all the aforesaid things could induce you to come here, for I do not at present see any chance of being able to return to Paris ; pray write and tell me all the news you can, in exchange for my provincial gossip. Do not imagine, however, that I quite believe in it! I should like very much to see the Fountain of Vaucluse, and the tomb of the lovely Laura, and your fasts and feast-days would suit me very well ; but as for your miracle-working saints, I should not be taken in by them, and I would much rather go to the entertainments you mentioned, and enjoy a punt at Basset, or take my place on a sofa in company with other fair idlers.

As far as I can judge, you are passing a very enjoyable time in the place where you are staying, with all your luxurious living, your gambling, and your love-making. I might say like Columbine, " Cest tout comme ici! To avoid this complication the Chevalier de B took it into his head to make love to his sister-in-law; she is young and beautiful, and the only defect she possesses is, that she is lame. The Cardinal de B , who possesses great influence at the Vatican, felt certain of obtaining a dispensation for this marriage, such as is accorded in similar cases to sovereigns, and because the male members of his family claim the same as their right.

Madame de Ventadour offered no opposition to the affair, but the little Due de Ventadour, who was. No sooner had he arrived in Paris than he took possession of his daughter, and carried her off to his own mansion, where he kept a watch upon her until he had married her to the Prince de Rohan, son of the Prince de Soubise. This nobleman was a very handsome man ; he had formerly been a monk, but by the death of his brother he became the heir of his house.

He did not show much tact in the affair with the Chevalier ; for apparently, he merely said just what was enough to silence him on the question. However this may be, the marriage came ofit to the great satisfaction of all parties, and was much hurried on.

He is handsome and has a very good figure, but no virtuous woman would con- sider it an honour to be admired by him. Whatever you may say about Avignon, it seems to me that Princes must be very rare there if there, is such a fuss made about the Chevalier de B , and if a woman of rank prides herself on having captivated him. I should think she would regret her bargain, and I pity her for having been so indiscreet as to place herself at the mercy of one who is the most depraved of his sex.

I hope we are rid of him for some time to come! He is neither liked nor respected at Court, and he has slandered the King so disgracefully, that I wonder that his presence is suffered there. One day some one told him that the King was very angry at his conduct, and bore him a grudge for it lui gar doit une dans de lait. I am dying with impatience to hear how Madame d'Urban will man- age to rid herself of him ; for I am interested in all that concerns her, although I have never seen her, and I was greatly touched by the story you once told me of her mother's tragic death, and cannot help feeling sympathy for the children of that beautiful and unfortunate creature.

I know she left two, for we have had her son over here, who is called the Marquis de Ganges, and who is colonel of a regiment of dragoons ; he is extremely handsome. I hear that the Marquis made a very good match in his own province, and that Madame d'Urban, his sister, is a lovely woman ; but that is all I can tell you. Do tell me, I beg of you, all you know, for I should like to hear about a family in whom I take so much interest. You allude only very casually to the sister of the Marquis de Sassenage, and I am astonished that you say nothing about the sister of the Marquis de Castres, who is married to a man of rank and wealth at Avignon.

Tell me also something more about the ladies there, and about their amusements and intrigues; there are such common creatures here now, and there is not even any refreshing Court gossip! Madame de Maintenon, hunting, and excursions to Marly, are the only amusements the King enjoys. He died in the Palace of Sl Germain after twelve years of exile, and was buried in the Benedictine Monastery at Paris.

She had five daughters, who all died in infancy, and one son. Prince James Francis Edward. In truth, she has fallen low from a very high estate, and I am thankful that my humbler rank preserves me from such a downfall. Then, backed up by the Prince, they screamed out : " Monsieur le Duc, come to our help!

Just see how we are being treated. He became Dauphin on the death of his father, but died in 2, without succeeding to the throne of France. The opera and the theatre go on as usual, and supply our princes with lady-loves. He was ambassador-extraordinary to England in ; also to Holland in He was gover- nor afterwards of Dunkirk, Mardyk, and Limburg, then viceroy of America.

In he was made tutor and governor to the Due de Chartres, but died soon after, aged seventy -nine. He was a man of great talents and courage, but of dissolute life and morals. The Due de Valentinois, who has one of the most charming wives at Court, neglects her for that little Du Fort, another opera dancer, to such an extent is there a rage now for actresses! Seine, four and a half miles N. Madame, — I am very glad that you show some interest in our provincial amusements, and that you do not debar me from all hopes of welcoming you here.

You are not likely to feel like a stranger any- where, and less here than in other places, for merit is appreciated everywhere, and especially valued here in Avignon. The Marquis has a very religious wife, who takes to heart dreadfully all the trouble that her husband's infidelities cause her, and in truth, he only too often furnishes her with due cause to do so!

It gives its title to a marquisate. The livre Tournois contained 20 sols Tournois, and each sol 12 deniers. His gallantry is a little antiquated, but his purse is inexhaustible. He possesses a very pretty garden, where he entertains the ladies, and which he sometimes lends to his friends for the same purpose.

The sister of the Marquis de Castres, about whom you inquired , often goes there with the present Vice- Legate; but she does not know how to manage the latter properly. The solicitations of the Duke de Montmorency, who had taken up arms against Louis XIII, could not shake the invincible loyalty of this prelate. He made also several fine foundations in his bishopric. This command discon- certed them not a little.

They therefore summoned a meeting of their relations at the house of Monsieur de Gau, the father of the Marquis d'Onis, when it was resolved that they should throw themselves on the clemency of the Vice- Legate. The Marquis, with his usual "eloquence," proposed to his wife that she should start off in a posting-litter, so as to get away the quieter; but it ended in their going off together, with their luggage, and their nurse, and babies.

The whole of their household, half on mules, half on horseback, departed from Avignon in the greatest scramble. The Grand Duke asked him how long it was since his ancestors had left the country? He was bom in , and died 31st October Cosmo III was one of the wealthiest princes of Europe, and a great encourager of arts and leaming, but addicted to the most absurd superstitions and bigoted practices.

His reign lasted fifty-four years. He was separated from his wife on account of her quarrels with his mother, upon which the Grand Duchess retired to live in Paris. As soon as I arrived here, I went to call on his wife, and he was present ; but she seemed to guess what I had come for, and kept such a close watch over him, that she never let him speak at all.

How- ever often I addressed him, she always answered in his stead. Their disgrace happened a few days after this ; but as they have gone into exile, I will leave them alone, and satisfy your inquiries about Madame d'Urban. You have already heard of the tragical end of her mother, Madame de Ganges ; she was murdered by her husband's two brothers, who em- ployed both dagger and poison to make away with this beautiful and unfortunate creature.

This Marquis was accused of the same crime, that is to say, of having connived at the murder of his wife. When his relations implored the King's pardon for him, his Majesty replied that there was no occasion for granting any par- don, as he was in the hands of the Parliament of Toulouse, and M.

However, the Parliament felt that an example must be made of some one. Monsieur de la Douse was therefore made the scape-goat, and was executed shortly after, whilst Monsieur de Ganges, who was undoubtedly quite as guilty, went unpunished. It is always the unlucky one who becomes " fruit for the gallows-tree.

She was educated under the care of the Dowager Marquise de Ganges, her grandmother, and, at the age of twelve, married to the Marquis de Peraut, who was over seventy years old, and who had, in former days, been a lover of her grandmother's. The young girl gave her hand to him without the slightest repugnance.

The more he prayed for an heir, the less chance there seemed of one. Then, recognising his failure, he sought for a remedy. He loved his charming wife passionately, but he hated his brother bitterly. These two passions inspired him with an extraordinary design ; he had a page who was very handsome, and came of a very good family ; he took him into his confidence, and after having sworn him to inviolable secrecy, and presented him with some gifts, confided to him how he longed to have a child, which, if not his own, should at least be his wife's.

The page trembled; he was in love with the Marquise, but had never dared to show it; he imagined therefore that the Marquis had divined his sentiments, and had laid this trap for him in order to disconcert him. It would have taken very little more to have made him confess all, throw himself at his lord's feet, and implore, at the same time, pardon and dismissal. The Marquis, who perceived his confusion, re- assured him, and promised that he himself would do all he could to help him to make a conquest of Madame de Peraut; and in order to assist him further in this, he empowered him to spend money lavishly.

He had never been served with such eagerness. At the end of three days he was magnificently attired, and this apparel, combined with the joy of his task, made him look handsomer than ever. He was always now with Madame de Peraut and always anxious to please her.

She was young and lively, and showed no hesitation in flirting with him, and everything seemed to be going on smoothly, when the page, after having allowed his eyes and his tenderness to speak for him, now thought he would declare his passion ; but he was indignantly repulsed, and threatened that if he ever alluded to it again, he should be handed over to the vengeance of the Marquis.

This threat did not, however, cause him much alarm, and he went and told him of the failure of his proposal. The Marquis begged him not to be discouraged; but tt must certainly have been a novel thing to hear a husband making a confidant of his rival, giving him advice, and consol- ing him for his lady-love's hardheartedness!

The page became bolder after this conversation, and returned to the charge. One morning, when Madame de Peraut was at her toilette, a good opportunity presented itself ; for, after having wept and sighed, he threw himself at her feet, and indulged in such caresses as were only excusable in a young man of seventeen so deeply in love. The indignant Marquise screamed for her maids ; but the page, following his lord s advice, had bribed one of them, who had sent the others out of hearing.

She was as beautiful as Aurora in her perturba- tion, and the page, as he pursued her, seemed another Adonis. She accused him openly to her husband of hav- ing been disrespectful, but what was her surprise when, instead of the rage which she expected him show, the Marquis calmly replied that what she said was incredible, and that to him the page had always appeared strictly honourable; that he sup- posed she was angry with him for something, and sought for some pretext for dismissing him ; but that he begged her not to compel him to send him away, for the young man had been highly recommended to him, and he was bound by an obligation to retain him under his care.

The Marquise was perfectly amazed at this reply. She did not know what to think of it, and, finding that she had no security for herself but in extreme reserve, treated the luckless page in such a fashion that he was beside himself with despair. It suffices to say that the old Marquis did all he could to give the page every opportunity that would enable him to encompass the dishonour of the Marquise, and bring about the end which he, the Marquis, had in view.

But his design failed, thanks to the unassailable virtue of his yoimg wife, a quality, unfortunately, only too rare in the dissolute reign of Louis XI v. Perceiving, therefore, that his wife's heart was impregnable, he rewarded the page for his intended services, gave him his dismissal, and died shortly after, grieving at having to leave his wealth to those whom he had regarded as enemies. But before his death, he confided all that I have just related to you, to one of his intimate friends.

This friend had a very handsome son, and he thought it would be a very good thing if he could marry him to the young widow. The family of D' Urban is one of the noblest in Avignon, and the marriage was finally arranged by their relatives, as soon as the period of mourning was past. They lived in most perfect unity until the Chevalier came upon the scene.

I must leave them here for the present, for my letter is quite long enough already ; I will tell you the end of their history in the very next letter I write to you. Really, madame, it is not fair; you know how eager I am to hear Madame d'Urban s adventures ; you should not stop just in the middle of your story. I have plenty of material wherewith to fill them.

He was a great favourite of Anne of Austria and also of Louis XIV, although he was a man of coarse manners and doubtful private life. The glory of his talents was stained by the most horrible vices, and such flagrant depravity, that his wife left him. In he was elected cardinal, and was also in right of his archbishopric, peer of France, and Due de St Cloud, and created as well, commander of the Order of the Holy Ghost, and Superior of the College of the Sorbonne.

He was a man of great purity of life, friendly hospitality, unbounded charity, charming manners, and great kindliness of heart, and died universally beloved and lamented. He died at the advanced age of eighty-eight, beloved and respected by king, country, and friends. Her influence over the King was always used for the good of himself and the country.

The estate of Vaujour and barony of St. Christophe were raised to a duchy, and presented to her by her royal lover. He has done very well for them, as you know ; for instance, the eldest girl married the senior Prince of the Blood, and the youngest married M. Her husband, with a disgraceful condonation of his wife's dishonour, received the sum of one hundred thousand crowns, and was banished from Paris for having at first endeavoured to resist the in- trigue between the King and his erring wife.

It was supposed by many that she was poisoned. In short, Madame de Montespan, although in disgrace, may pride herself on seeing her children exalted to the highest rank. It was her own son, the Due du Maine, who was hard-hearted enough to announce to her that she was exiled from the Court, and that the King re- quired her suite of apartments, and the very next day the son himself was installed in them! You can imagine how deeply his mother must have felt all this!

The union was a most unhappy one ; she was violent, and jealous, and quarrelsome, and he ungrateful and imperious, and a most unfaithful husband. The King put up with this scene simply, and only, because she was a woman, and because he knew it was the last he would have with her. People here say that our new Archbishop is trying to bring about a reconciliation between her and her husband; but after all the public scandal about the latter, it would be a farce for him to take her back.

Madame de Maintenon is triumphant, however, and in her apartments are decided the destinies of the State. It was celebrated for its order of monks and nuns, the abbess of which pre- sided over both communities. The order was established by Robert d'Arbrissel, bom in , at Arbrissel, a village of Brittany ; he died on 25th February 11 17, having founded the abbey in io He was bom eight days after his father's death, on the 4th of November ; he married on 4th November , the Princess Mary, eldest daughter of James II, King of England ; he became King 13th February , and died from a shock, resulting from a fall from his horse, on the 8th March , and was buried in Westminster Abbey.

All his children died in their infancy, and the Queen on 28th December It was situated on the borders of the park at Versailles, and was, tfirough her persuasions, richly endowed by the King. On his death, in 5, she retired to Saint Cyr, and acted as directress and in- structress of the inmates, till her own death in 17 I do not know whether she is afraid of exciting envy, or whether she does not dare aspire to the rank that might be granted to her ; however that may be, she does not arrogate any to herself.

He has been dismissed from his tutorship of the Due de Bourgogne, and there are some who would wish also to deprive him of his Archbishopric. As he is an old friend of yours, I am sure you will like to learn the details of this affair, which has made a great sensation in society ; but this is a splendid opportunity for me to revenge myself on you, for the trick you played me in your last letter ; so you shall not hear anything more now, it shall be reserved for another occasion ; but, all the same, you must, if you please, do me the kindness to tell me the end of Madame d'Urban's history.

Apparently, there is nothing like travelling to make people clever. He was a man of pure and unblemished character, of wonderful courtesy and sweet- ness of manner, of unbounded but discriminate charity, and of princely hospitality. This kindly, learned, and beloved prelate died on the 7th January 5. His father was an "overseer of waters and forests," and his mother the daughter of a bailiff.

Now that is what I call a clever woman! You see now what emulation brings about ; I should never have learnt even as much as that but for your example! Don't be cross with me! He died 13th April , aged seventy-four. Madame, — I see very well that you give no quarter ; but without paying you back your compliments, which are no longer in fashion, I will finish telling you about Madame d'Urban, who, when I last mentioned her, seemed to be living in perfect unity with her husband, until the arrival of the Chevalier de B , who brought division into the family circle.

He showed her, therefore, extraordinary attention. Monsieur d' Urban, who trusted his wife thoroughly, gave her entire liberty ; but, " as there is a time for every- thing," her "hour of love" had come, and her virtue began to totter before the attacks of the prince. He soon became aware of the havoc he had made in her heart, and as he only wanted to make her a subject for public gossip, he took care to chatter about her all over the town. He prowled about all day in front of her house, and when he left, walked up and down the streets till dawn, ringing a handbell!

The townsfolk were surprised at this new fashion, and gossiped to each other from their windows, saying, " There is the Prince who is mak- ing love to Madame d' Urban, going away from her house! In short, he made her so talked about, that the relations of Monsieur d' Urban informed the latter, that he was the laughing-stock of the town. Then at last his eyes were opened, and he forbade his wife to con- tinue the acquaintance. He told her " that it was all her own fault, that she had no gumption, and that she had behaved like a fool," and talked to her with the utmost con- tempt.

The poor woman dissolved into tears ; but her husband, who had warned the Chevalier seriously never to re-enter his house, was informed that he was there, and came back with the intention of chastising him. In order to effect this, he locked the house-door on the inside, and took possession of the key, and then posted himself and some of his men-servants in an ante-room. It was very easy from thence to overhear his wife's conversation with the Chevalier, so he placed himself stealthily close to the door, and did not lose a single word.

The Chevalier, who was not paying much atten- tion to what Madame d' Urban was saying to him, on his part also listened intently, and soon became aware of the trap that was being laid for him. In order therefore to escape from it, he opened a window that looked out upon the street, and after saying to Madame d' Urban, '' Get out of this busi- ness as well as you can!

The first thing he did was to chatter about this adventure everywhere; after that, he invited the most depraved young men in Avignon to sup with him at a confectioner's named Le Coq, brother to the famous Le Coq of the Rue Montorgueil. Meanwhile they slandered Madame d' Urban in the most disgusting fashion, and then, when morning dawned, being both gorged and dead drunk, sent for the unfortunate Le Coq, and made him as drunk as themselves.

Through the interference of Cardinal de B the Chevalier was not arrested, but he sent him a message that if he did not leave the city at once, he would deliver him up to justice. The Chevalier was obliged to sneak away, and gave orders to pack up and to prepare his coach for his departure ; but whilst this was doing, he took it into his head that he would like to see Madame d' Urban once more. In spite of all the scandal that had taken place, he did not find it very difficult to manage this.

Monsieur d' Urban had not entered his wife's apart- ment since the Chevalier had fled from it by the window, and she was still there, weeping alone over her misery, when the Chevalier stood at the door. Madame d' Urban, who was deeply attached to this man, saw him enter with delight, and for a few moments stopped the agonized sobbing that had overcome her. He told her of his misfortune, or rather of his crime ; but she even made excuses for him in that, and only attributed it to too much wine.

He told her that he quitted her with sorrow, and lamented that she had not had the kindness to give him her portrait. Madame d' Urban was so charmed with this revival of his tenderness that she took down a large portrait of herself, which was hanging near her bed next to one of her husband ; and, having no other to give the Chevalier, she cut the canvas out of its frame, rolled it up, and begged him to put it in his pocket; but he laid it down on the table, and, after a very cold farewell, departed without taking it.

No sooner had he left her, than Madame d' Urban burst out weeping anew. The hurried departure of the Chevalier gave her a fresh subject of grief, and her maid found it im- possible to console her. I have now neither lover nor happiness at home ; how happy, alas! The poor fellow will be in despair when he finds he has not got my portrait.

Do send some one after him, I entreat you ; never mind what comes of it, he must have it taken to him. The man took a post-horse, and came up to the Chevalier just as he was himself going to change horses. As soon as he caught sight of the chaise, he shouted with all his might to the postillion to stop ; but the Chevalier, who thought that the police were following in his wake, told him to drive on all the faster.

However, he was obliged to pull up at the post- house ; and there the servant dismounted, and after bowing to the Chevalier, presented him very respect- fully with the portrait confided to his care. The Chevalier, who had by this time got over his fright, told him to go about his business, and take back the portrait to Madame d'Urban, as he wished to have nothing to do with it.

The man, however, insisted that he had received orders to deliver it up to him, and that he did not dare return to Madame d' Urban without having done so. Upon this the Chevalier, seeing that the man VOL. At the second post-house, after the horses had been changed, the postillion, who was to go back, asked for his fare. The Chevalier refused to give it him, but finally compromised the matter by giving him the portrait of Madame d' Urban. The very same evening, the postillion exhibited it for sale at Avignon, where the affair was at once known everywhere.

This circum- stance increased Madame d' Urban s unhappiness and her husband's fury ; and she was so terrified at the consequences of it, that on the following day she disappeared. One of these rela- tives, who was about to go to Paris, was to be charged with the commission, but he refused to undertake it, and matters stand just as they were before.

Everybody is pitying " poor Monsieur d'Urban,'' and saying "that his wife s virtue has come under an unlucky star. The practice afterwards led to great abuses. The occur- rence did actually take place, nevertheless, but " money covers a multitude of sins! It all happened in a very short space of time, only since my last letter. I should have told you about it ere this, but I have been making a tour in a neighbouring province, viz.

Indeed William will be far better known by our descendants than is Alexander. Like this hero of Greece, he has per- formed deeds which savour of the, miraculous, and like him also, finding the possessions of his ancestors too limited, he has extended his dominion over three great kingdoms.

Thus when I entered this little state, I looked upon it as " the Macedonia " of the Alexander of our own days. This country suffered so much during the recent wars, that Nature alone in it remains beautiful ; the fortifications of its capital have been demolished, and its walls razed to the ground ; it is indeed a piteous sight. After a marriage which was a source of great disquiet to him, he retired into Piedmont, where he devoted himself to letters.

He died at Villefranche in , aged fifty-eight" A. Beckett, Universal Biog. It is probable that Madame du Noyer alludes to some river in the romance. It suffered greatly in neighbouring wars, and especially from the Goths and Saracens. This wonderful structure is sixty -four feet in length, breadth, and height, and has three arched passages, the central and largest of which is twenty-eight and a half feet high ; the arch is flanked by fine fluted Corinthian columns, and covered with splendid sculptured groups of warlike subjects.

The deeds of this Roman are pictured as naturally as life on the arch ; one can there see his battles and his trophies, and even his magician, whom he took everywhere with him. Although it is ex- tremely ancient, and was built long before the time of the Roman emperors, it is still in good preserva- tion, and much visited by travellers.

The town is small, but very handsome, and its residents are very polished, and many of them of noble rank. However, those who related them were trustworthy persons, who spoke from personal ex- perience ; and besides, they were confirmed by every one in the town. Catholics as well as Pro- testants.

They told me that when this Prince who is now reigning in England , had attained his fourteenth year, he granted a general amnesty to those of his subjects who had conducted themselves criminally during his minority. This amnesty was proclaimed in the amphitheatre, which is situated in the centre of the town, and is a remarkable vestige of antiquity.

The people assembled round this, and just as the ceremony was about to commence, a crown was seen to descend, and to hover floating in the air at a short distance above the Prince's throne, where it remained for three hours. The above is a fact that cannot be questioned, although it seems so marvellous, for it is well known to all, and was confirmed to me at Avignon, whither I returned a few days ago.

I am grieved about it, and I know him too well to suspect him of heresy. There must be something else beneath it which I cannot discover. It seems to me that Madame d' Urban conquered her scruples very easily, and that she does not act up very well just now to her former standard of virtue! She has managed to put two husbands in a rage, when she need only have been a coquette, and thus have spread out some of her virtue over her second married state.

It would have come to the same thing in the end ; she would only have had to change the date ; people may well say that our sex are preposterously changeable and contradictory! I am horrified at the Chevalier's wickedness; people here have only learned half of it, and he is going about just as usual. I saw him at a masked ball on the very day I received your letter, and I mystified him greatly about Madame d' Urban, and the portrait which he nailed at the back of the post-chaise. He denied everything, for he would swear black was white, and I moved away before he found out who I was.

I perceive that you are very anxious about Monsieur de Cambrai, so I must tell you all about him. In order to do so, I must reveal a " mystery " which is known to very few people. You know that it is thought here that the King has been long married to Madame de Maintenon ; this seems probable from various signs, and from her open intimacy with Monseigneur, and with the Princesse de Conti.

He resisted for a long time, but at last, in a moment of tenderness, he promised to consult with his Father Confessor about it. The Prelate threw himself at his feet when he entered, and entreated him not to sacrifice him. The King promised, and then explained the case to him.

He was bom at the Chateau d'Aix, at Forez, in , and was the son of a private gentleman. He was a man of great learning and courtesy,' and of a handsome, commanding figure. He died on 20th January Madame de Maintenon did all in her power to persuade him, but he insisted to her that it was impossible. Madame de Maintenon concealed her rage, but determined on vengeance. She has already re- venged herself on the Prelate, and the Jesuit will come in for his share, although he has only been guilty of the sin of omission.

She was puzzled for a long time as to how she should attack Monseigneur de Cambrai, who has never given any cause for blame. He was learned, dignified, haughty, self-conceited, and domineering, of pure life and respected character; but his remark- able talents as an orator and satirist caused him to be more feared than beloved.

Died in Paris, 12th April, He imparted this plan to Madame de Maintenon, who had confided her own scheme of revenge to him, and wished to carry it out. People are afraid that she will push the thing as far as she possibly can. Monsieur de Cambrai is in his own diocese, where he is awaiting the upshot of all this, with the tran- quillity that comes of a clear conscience.

He is no longer tutor to the Princes. Every relation he has in the army has been cashiered, and one of his brothers, who was in the navy, has been also dismissed. Perhaps they think that if they defy her, and make them- 1 The principal works of Paul Scarron were a number of comedies, a tragi -comedy, the Ronum Comiquey "Le Virgile Travesti," and a quantity of satirical poems. He lost the use of his limbs and be- came deformed in a strange manner ; when Chanoine of Mans, he dis- guised himself as a savage during the carnival ; but a troop of boys followed him, and persecuted him for so long, that he took refuge in a morass to hide himself.

There he remained three or four hours, and the cold seized on him, and crippled and deformed him for life. The public courtesans have shown their gratitude for this in a very effusive address which they have presented to him, as they fancy that they will have a great many more supporters, now that there are no theatres to amuse the myriads of idle folks in Paris ; they have also presented him with a donation for the poor, but the address must have shown him how ridiculously he has acted.

I hope you will relate it to me, and I, on my part, will tell you all that goes on here. I do not think that she ever was handsome, at any rate her features show no vestige of it ; however, she has inspired great passions, and has done the most extraordinary things in the world ; her husband, who felt that she was far more talented than himself, allowed himself to be led by her, and blindly followed all she directed him to do.

Madame Du Rhut had only followed her, to better her own fortunes, but left her when she found that her luck deserted hen She returned to her own province, and tried to fascinate the Comte de Suze, She succeeded in that, as she has in everything she has undertaken. It has a fine cathedral church, and once had a bishop, who was subservient to the Popes of Avignon. Maria married the Constabile della Colonna. Louis XIV had been much in love with both of them in succession, and desired to marry Maria, but was pre- vented from doing so by political reasons.

Hortense married the Duke of Mazarin. Madame Du Rhut was perfectly aware of all this, but did all she could to lead him on. He had an uncle who exercised over him the authority of a father, viz. The Comtesse de Suze, who suffered deeply from her husband's infidelities, complained of him to Monsieur de Viviers, and the Bishop often recon- ciled them ; but these reconciliations did not last long. The Comte was madly in love with Madame Du Rhut, and could not endure his wife, who resolved to separate from him.

She went to Viviers, and told the Bishop that she could bear it no longer, and that she wished to return to her father. The Bishop entreated her to remain for a few days with himself. This she did willingly, and whilst she was there, the Bishop sent for his nephew, who did not dare to refuse to go to him.

It possesses a fine cathedral. At this juncture the Comtesse lost all patience ; her love changed into fury. She took a light, and entering the room where her faithless husband was sleeping, set fire to the bed. The Comte awoke only just in time not to be roasted alive, and all the house- hold in the Episcopal palace was soon aroused, and on the alert to arrest the progress of the fire.

The Bishop was the first to awake, and was sur- prised at the conflagration ; when he was told the cause of it, he blamed the Comtesse for her rash deed, and the Comte still more for being the reason of it ; then, recognising perfectly that there was no further hope of reconciliation, he gave his consent to the Comtesse to go to her parents. But, in order to punish his nephew, and to rescue him from the toils into which he had fallen, he did everything he could to worry him out of them ; he sent for his creditors, who seized all his property, and even his furniture, not even leaving him a knife for the use of his table!

The Bishop imagined that this would bring him TO HER FRIEND 67 to his senses, but he was mistaken, Madame Du Rhut ruled over him with absolute sway; but, at the same time, she did not forget her personal interests, and filling up some blank drafts that she had wheedled out of the Comte, with such sums as suited her fancy, she also appeared on the scene as a creditor, and seized on an estate worth fifty thousand ecus.

She was crafty enough to persuade the Comte that she did so to secure it for him, and to throw dust in the eyes of her husband, who, she said, was beginning to be suspicious about their connection with each other. The Comte fell into the trap, and actually pleaded with the judges in favour of Madame Du Rhut against himself!

Then people began to think that she must be a sorceress ; for, although she had despoiled the Comte of everything, he thought himself perfectly happy when with her, and he might often have been seen within the four walls of his empty house, sitting with her, in Oriental fashion, before a handkerchief spread on the floor, dining off a chicken for which he had sent out!

She persuaded him that she thought that life with him, even in a desert, would be delightful to her. All the same, she took care to keep a tight hold on the property she had gained. I really think that he would have remained so all his life, if she had not herself deserted him, after having got all she could out of him, in the way I have just narrated to you. The Comte then realised what a mistake he had made, but it was too late to mend matters ; he wrote to his wife, but she would not return to him ; then, as his only son was dead, he made over all his wealth to his brother's children, and also passed over the entail to them, upon which, they, by the advice of the Bishop of Viviers who was guardian to all the family , undertook to pay him annually sixteen thousand livres.

With this allowance he sets up for a dandy, and makes a great show here. All this time, however, Madame Du Rhut was still fortune-hunting, and after looking round about her in every quarter, bethought herself that she could not do better than entrap Monsieur d'Amoux, who was very wealthy, and an intimate friend of Monsieur Colbert. The family came originally from Scotland. He owed his preferment to Cardinal Mazarin, and to his own remark- able financial and architectural talents.

By his careful supervision the French navy took a rank it had never known previously in the annals of France. He was a man of forbidding appearance, but of unimpeachable honesty and indefatigable industry. His face was long and thin, the eyes sunken, and with bushy eyebrows beetling over them, his manners taciturn, cold, and austere ; he was perhaps too much addicted to flattering his Royal Master, and was jealous and despotic, but as he only used his flattery to work upon the King for judicious measures, this failing may be forgiven him.

I do not know how it was, but old Madame d'Arnoux took no umbrage at it, and Madame Du Rhut managed to make herself so indispensable to the old lady, that she could not do without her. Madame Du Rhut, who knew how to turn every- thing to her own advantage, considered how she might profit by his death, although it might have been imagined that it was most unfortunate for her ; this is how she managed.

She had two sons, the elder of whom she styled Monsieur de Saint Sauveur, and the younger Monsieur de Soissons. Madame d'Amoux was at the point of death, but she was anxious to put off this catastrophe as long as possible, and always had a doctor dancing attend- sufTerings from the stone, he died on the 6th September , leaving six sons and three daughters, all married to personages of high rank and wealth. His eldest son, also named Jean Baptiste, became even more celebrated than himself as a statesman and ambassador.

Madame Du Rhut took it into her head to win over the doctor, which was an easy matter ; and she induced him to persuade Madame d'Arnoux, that, in order to cure her malady and delay her death, she must get married, and that she ought to marry a healthy and robust young man, with the assurance that this young man would draw her malady out of her, and communicate to her his own good health.

After travelling to Smyrna, Corinth, and Alexandria, he returned to Pergamus in his twenty-eighth year, and was appointed surgeon to the gladiators. When he was thirty-three he went to Rome, but returned four years after to Pergamus. His medical works to this day are highly esteemed for their philosophical reasoning and subtle and logical research.

The principal are those entitled. He wrote altogether two hundred different works, and died in the ninetieth year of his age, about A. C in the island of Cos, died in the 3rd century B. His mother was descended from the hero Hercules. He passed most of his life in travelling and teaching medicine. He left two sons, Thessalus and Draco, both eminent physicians. It is supposed that he died at a great age at Larissa, in Thessaly. Just think to what I should expose myself, and what everybody would say to such a thing, even though it should be necessary to my health, which I am not very sure about.

I do not see any difficulty in that, nor why you should be so nervous about it; the circum- stances attending it ought not to be very disagree- able to you, and the youth of a husband is not a very great defect. It would be madness to lay oneself open to such a thing ; at my age, I cannot pretend that it would be for lave. I should be scoffed at if I were capable of going through such a performance, just to prolong a life which cannot have many years in store for it ; it is not worth the risk, for so slight a thing, to give a bad opinion of myself, and tarnish my reputation.

As regards the effects of the remedy, monsieur ought to understand his profession," she added, turning to the doctor ; " and you, madame, must know enough of him to judge if you can depend upon him. Besides, people don't think so much nowadays of the honour of their memory, and we laugh at those stupid persons who would rather die in order to immortalise their names.

Allow me, madame, to tell you that you will be rather like them, for it is really homicidal to neglect the care of one's life, and I am quite certain that you cannot do so conscientiously. Society puts no spy over your actions, and the rank you hold places you above all regard for such considerations.

If there is only this difficulty to encounter, it can be easily overcome, for I can offer you my own son, who is all that the doctor advises, and who would follow all his suggestions with care, in order to restore a health that is so precious for so many reasons. He is an honest and pious fellow, and that should be sufficient guarantee to you for everything.

You see, madame, I do not advise you ; I merely offer you all I have to offer, and all that I hold most dear. The good lady was nearly won over, when her confessor entered: he was a Jesuit, and in the conspiracy ; as soon as he came in, he asked what was the subject of such a lively discussion. He was told what it was all about, as had been previously planned. The father insisted to Madame d'Arnoux that it was a point of conscience, and told her that he could not grant her absolution if.

To use technical terms, how did the transition from Baroque music to the Classical style occur? This question led me to study the Paris Concert Spirituel, where the change took place in a very short span of time.

But in the s each concert started with a symphony, often by Haydn or Mozart. Audiences still heard the big choral works, violin concertos, and Italian arias that had always been on the programs, but clearly, music styles changed in a very fundamental way over the course of about forty years.

They occurred only on the solemn feast days of the Catholic Church: the three weeks around Easter, and one or two concerts in the other months. Programs were nearly always published in the Mercure de France and other periodicals that sprang up in its wake. Reading the press reviews is fascinating: the music directors tried out different composers, genres, and styles of music in their attempts to please the public and to sell tickets.

The first half of this dissertation gathers the available evidence from thousands of primary sources to construct a detailed history of what went on in the concert hall, and what went on behind the scenes among the concert entrepreneurs, the composers, the performers, state officials, and music critics. This leads to another question: why did musical styles change in so brief a period?

Did composers lead the way by writing new music? Did critics ensure the success of certain kinds of music with their words? The second part of this dissertation proposes some answers, based on a number of inventories of Concert Spirituel music, conducted on various dates from to Each chapter necessarily begins by forming conclusions about the Royer era, but ends by testing these conclusions on the data available for the entrepreneurs who preceded and succeeded him.

A large chorus and orchestra of court, opera, and church musicians, led by Anne Danican Philidor, an oboist in the Musique du Roi, performed Royal Chapel motets by Michel Richard de Lalande. But the king was not present, as he was when these motets were played for his daily mass, nor did the performance take place in one of the great Parisian churches, where such motets were occasionally played on feast days.

Those in the audience had not been invited by their friends or acquaintances, nor had they paid a subscription to join a private concert society. Nor were the singers and instrumentalists hidden away in balconies on the sides of the hall. They were placed front and center on a raised tribune, because they were not an adjunct to a ceremony in praise of God or king: they were the sole reason for the event.

This lease and treaty does so on the condition that Mr. Philidor shall not cause to be sung any French music or opera selections, or hold these public concerts on the days that there will be opera. Just as the audience ventured into the uncharted territory of public concerts, so Philidor explored the new world of entrepreneurial music.

He raised capital and invested it by purchasing the right to give concerts, leasing and remodeling the concert hall, obtaining music, and hiring musicians, all in the hope the public would attend and generate a steady stream of income. Given that no one had ever tried this idea on such a scale before, it is not surprising he went bankrupt in three seasons. Nor is it a surprise that Pierre Simard, who leased the privilege after him, met a similar fate in six.

And whereas Philidor and Simard had been forced to make annual payments to them because of the royal monopoly on public music making, they had no such burden. They lost the income stream from the lease payments—the initial 1, livres had grown into a ruinous 12, livres—but the excess of income over expenses was all profit, and the concerts were far less 1 F-Pan M. CXVI, [i.

See chapter 2 for the original French text. Nevertheless, the Concert Spirituel returned to private entrepreneurship in , when Pancrace Royer, music teacher to the Dauphin, revitalized the operation by introducing new French composers and new Italian and German music to Paris. He immediately modernized the chorus, replacing the five-part structure of Lully and Lalande with the modern, pan-European SATB structure still in use today. They made a complete overhaul of the repertoire, eliminating the old grand motet repertoire and replacing it with modern works sung and played by the greatest performers in Europe.

Although their tenure lasted only three years, they succeeded in returning the concert to viability. For translations of all foreign-language quotations, see appendix 1. Just before the Revolution broke out, he took his concertmaster Isidore Bertheaume as a partner, and shortly afterward, decamped for the provinces.

Bertheaume lost access to the Tuileries concert hall when the royal family was imprisoned there, struggled in a variety of small theaters during the Easter fortnight in , and then departed for points east. They had to be on the lookout for new pieces of music throughout the year, because once the Easter fortnight started, there was no time to obtain and copy enough music for the nightly concerts.

Yet when these performance materials were safely put away in their music libraries, repeat performances were easier than premieres, and repertoires gradually formed. Today, when the directors and boards of major orchestras plan their seasons, they rarely worry about the availability of scores and parts, or feel any need to reuse them.

They have music libraries; they can rent out-of-the-ordinary works from publishers; and new commissions now arrive as digital files. But because the Concert Spirituel was the first public concert series with a standing orchestra and regular schedule,7 the entrepreneurs had significant expenses for music copying, which could run to hundreds of pages for a single grand motet.

Seven have survived, dating from , , , , , ca. Only three , and — have been published,9 and they have never been well analyzed. Of the rest, the and inventories are known only to a few specialists,10 the ca. In the latter, the scribes gave each piece a call number, putting it on both the inventory and the music, so the actual scores and parts used by the Concert Spirituel, tallow-stained and marked up, can be identified with absolute certainty today.

They provide a wealth of information, including 1 clear identification of the works performed; 2 size, distribution, and sometimes even physical placement of performing forces; 3 practices in the copying atelier; 4 modifications made during copying, in rehearsal, and over years of performance; 5 ornamentation; and 6 names of some soloists and ensemble singers and players.

Any study of the grand sweep of changing musical style must include failures as well as successful works. With the Concert Spirituel scores in hand, the question can be asked: why did certain pieces survive while others were forgotten? The inventory discloses the pivotal role of the music library in the process of forming a repertoire: it was part of a lease between outgoing and incoming Concert Spirituel entrepreneurs, proving that there was no such thing as a single Concert Spirituel music library.

Each entrepreneur with the possible exception of Philidor built his own. Since each paid for his own music copying, each owned the resulting copies, regardless of who owned the original, and could dispose of them by lease or sale or store them away in an attic. Because of the ownership and leasing issues related to the music libraries, the development of repertoires and canons at the Concert Spirituel was not a steady, gradual process, but rather one where periods of consolidation and innovation alternated.

Bricolage By comparison with the care the Concert Spirituel entrepreneurs lavished on their music libraries, their methods of acquiring music seem haphazard. The programs were not formed pursuant to some carefully thought-out plan, but rather through bricolage. In France, a bricoleur is an improviser, someone who achieves a goal by using whatever materials happen to be available in a new and creative way.

Royer, to add variety and interest to the concerts, brought in symphonies and Italian arias. He did not send away to Italy or the German courts for scores: instead he relied on whatever music was already in French hands and converted it into something that could be used in the concert hall. He also leased and borrowed music from previous Concert Spirituel entrepreneurs and bought printed music.

He even arranged small vocal works himself, and occasionally plucked a gem from among the dozens of scores sent or handed to him by hopeful composers. Because Paris was the cultural crossroads of Europe, as well as a center of European music publishing, and because the Concert Spirituel enjoyed considerable prestige, the entrepreneurs were importuned by composers and soloists without having to lift a finger to attract them.

They, along with the performing ensemble and audience, waited at the crossroads for music and performers to come to them. Today, as in the eighteenth century, some music directors seek to expand audiences by choosing tried-and- true crowd-pleasers, while others want to edify with commissioned pieces and local premieres of rare works. Given the exigencies of organizing an entire season out of the complex demands of performers, composers, critics, and audiences, they must find an appropriate balance between old and new.

The forces favoring the use of repertoire works are numerous. There is a savings in time and money for performance materials. Pulling a score and parts out of a music library is easier than obtaining the score of a new work and copying out separate parts. Finally, programming a repertoire work makes the reaction of audience and critics more predictable.

Lastly, well-developed repertoire often legitimates the performing organization. Playing the Lalande motets, which had been heard in the Royal Chapel and Parisian churches for half a century, lent the Concert Spirituel an enduring association with music of the highest moral, social, and spiritual quality, and with court society and royalty itself. The forces favoring innovation are just as powerful. The Concert Spirituel took place during a great cultural transition, in which the assumption that the world was static, eternal, and unchanging was replaced by the notion that the world was always moving toward perfection.

So by , it was no longer acceptable for Michel Blavet to play flute sonatas and concertos on nearly every concert: after more than one hundred appearances over a period of a quarter century, he suddenly withdrew from public concerts in New music also created interest: as innovations became the building blocks of conversation, Parisians wanted to hear the latest music and performers in order to participate in salons, coffee houses, and other new forms of sociability.

Too, innovation was not difficult: Royer and his successors were flooded with scores from aspiring composers. The idea of repertoire originated in spoken theater, but an unusual article in the edition of a Parisian almanac, the Spectacles de Paris, shows that the Concert Spirituel had a repertoire as well. It was not a list of all the works played, nor of the most famous, critically acclaimed, or popular: it was a list of what Royer intended to continue playing in the future.

These pieces helped Royer strike a balance between innovation and tradition. The treatment of repertoire at the Concert Spirituel is especially interesting because the history of the concerts spanned a period in which stability was valued at the beginning and novelty was valued at the end. As a result, the static musical world of Paris gave way to one where change and novelty were expected. The use of repertoire was low in the first season as the entrepreneur tried to distinguish himself from his predecessor with new works, rebounded in the second season as the initial supply of new music ran low, sank in the third season as a new balance between novelty and repertoire was reached, and then increased for the remainder of the administration as the entrepreneur became comfortable, and finally, bored.

It was a coherent and intentional corpus or group; the members were old and revered, in the sense of being remembered as great even after death; and he put them forward as models, telling the king in his prospectus that the monument would inspire the living to work for the benefit and glory of the state. And despite the fact that more than half of his repertoire works were by composers canonized by Titon and Daquin, the Concert Spirituel played the music of the greatest of them—Lully, Destouches, Campra, and Rameau—only rarely.

Clearly, repertoire served needs entirely separate from the mechanisms and purposes of canons, even though there was considerable overlap between these two types of list. Others involve composers: deceased composers received somewhat better treatment at the hands of the critics than the living. An important transformation took place: whereas in life, the reviewers made comments about the composer, in cases of posthumous performances, they devoted more space to the musical work.

Discourse about music, rather than the quality of the music itself, canonized composers and works. The development of an eighteenth-century Parisian canon of public concert music eventually came to a halt, leaving behind, at most, an incipient canon. No single person came forward after Titon to turn malleable opinions and beliefs into a fixed text. Only organizations, which survive beyond the lifetimes of their individual members, can sustain and enforce a canon over multiple generations, as the Concert Spirituel did.

Another such canonizing agent did not arrive in Paris until the founding of the Paris Conservatoire in It was regarded as an important part of the history and culture of Paris even in its own era. The first histories to appear were short articles in the theater almanac Spectacles de Paris , , , and They are filled with inaccuracies about the early years, but are better for the s and s.

He mistakenly gave the amount of the annual lease payment redevance as 6, livres, which was the amount in effect at the time of his writing. He included an anecdote about the disruption of concerts when the king inhabited the Tuileries palace for a few days in , a rabbinical explanation of the inscription in the concert hall Sic Davidis aula sonabat , and a roster of performers taken from the Spectacles de Paris. The writer seems particularly well-informed about the Simard years.

The sources toward the end of the eighteenth century are all derived from these documents. Page references use the marginal numbers, which represent the page or folio numbers in the now-lost source of which it is a copy. Danican 10, Simard , O1 , Anne Danican March 17, 1,, altered to Simard , s? Filiation of early histories of the Concert Spirituel. Full citations are given in the bibliography. The Amelot manuscript gave 1, livres in one place and 10, in another. In the third, the editor corrected two dates but introduced new errors, becoming the source, along with Durey de Noinville, for later almanacs.

Other eighteenth-century sources. The amount of writing about the concerts in journals and other periodicals is staggering: thousands of articles, covering the entire sixty-six year period. Some are advertisements for concerts in the future, and others, reviews of concerts in the past. Graff, The Modern Researcher, 5th edn. Only one journal covers the entire history of the Concert Spirituel: the Mercure de France.

Published monthly then later biweekly under a royal privilege, it listed the grand motet titles and named the instrumental and vocal soloists for the smaller pieces, together with comments on audience reactions; after the querelle des bouffons, the editors began to express themselves more freely. Competing periodicals began to appear in the s. Information in these journals was scanty during periods of entrepreneurial desuetude.

Paris was then, as now, a popular destination for tourists. Although the articles on the Concert Spirituel are short, they contain nuggets of information not found anywhere else. Accounts of the Concert Spirituel by the travelers who consulted them are even more valuable, as are those of the Parisians who sat next to them on the benches.

The range of opinion expressed in them is astounding. For example, the French were deeply devoted to their star singers, but Britons abhorred them. In addition to the Concert Spirituel privilege leases, partnership agreements, and music library leases, they document marriage contracts and estate inventories. The preambles generally identify the parties, their addresses and occupations, and sometimes their parents, children, friends, and colleagues. Whenever Paris officials consulted or received orders from Versailles, and whenever the expenditure of money was authorized or paid out, the transactions were documented in its correspondence and registers.

To find documents that have not previously been cited, the registers for the relevant years of all Parisian notaries must be searched for the names of the parties. Digital images of the handwritten registers are available online at www.

Interest in the Concert Spirituel continued to grow in the nineteenth century, not only because of rising interest in the history of music, but also because the tradition of concerts spirituels had continued in Paris and spread to other European cities like Vienna. Although his article was difficult to use because there was no index, it was nevertheless the first step toward efficient access to the data.

Constant Pierre, a bassoonist and administrator at the Conservatoire, sent in a messy, unfinished document focused, after one chapter of general history, on the Concert Spirituel alone. The article was a transcription of the Amelot manuscript. Pierre lived a further eighteen years, but the Histoire du Concert spirituel languished in manuscript, partly because his research interests lay in the revolutionary era, and partly because of the demands of his position at the Conservatoire.

Bloch-Michel documented some of the sources, made an attempt to verify the program listings, and generated the excellent name index that allows the listings to serve as a rudimentary database. Nevertheless, inaccuracies and omissions in the listings, failure to update the statistical tables, and incomplete citation of sources remain significant problems for all researchers.

The Twentieth Century. These two books—Brenet and Pierre—served the needs of musicologists so well that very little new research on the Concert Spirituel occurred. Focusing on the issue of how musical styles change, she concentrated on the programs from onward, and concluded that the Concert Spirituel was a factor in the dissemination of new, cosmopolitan, melody-based music in Paris.

Vmb ms. The manuscript contains footnote numbers, but the footnotes themselves are not part of the surviving volumes. Access to eighteenth-century sources is becoming easier with each passing year because of the digital revolution in library science.

Portland: Amadeus Press, , 36— Gallica already contains many eighteenth-century periodicals and publications on music; these are mirrored by Google Books and some university libraries. However, in transcriptions of notarial contracts, punctuation is silently emended to help parse extremely long sentences.

I have retained a number of French terms for the sake of clarity and precision. Concert Spirituel. When in roman type and capitalized, this is the name of the organization that forms the subject of this dissertation. Otherwise, concert spirituel or concerts spirituels means a 37Pierre, Histoire, — Das Concert wird ein Concert spirituel und nicht ein Concert spiritueux genannt.

Spiritueux heist geistig; spirituel aber in dieser Verbindung geistlich. This term has no English equivalent; the meaning was introduced above and is elaborated in chapter 4. These plucky innovators not only selected the music, hired the soloists, rented the hall, generated the publicity, and led the orchestra, they also financed the concerts. I have chosen to use the simpler terms as English cognates although the French grand carries more of a connotation of size than grandeur , and to skip the fussy agreement of gender and number when using them in the plural.

He was wrong; the plural was used in most of the Concert Spirituel privilege leases and occasionally in the Mercure reviews from the s and s. In the legal language of French notaries, redevance, in addition to its ordinary meaning of fees or dues, was used specifically for the lease of a royal privilege.

A few other conventions have been employed for purposes of brevity and ease of reading: Journal names. Eighteenth-century periodicals often changed masthead titles during their long publication runs. Les Spectacles de Paris, for example, had three different names in its first three years.

Three different journals were known as the Annonces, affiches, et avis divers, or variations thereof: a Paris series edited by Antoine Boudet — , a Paris series edited by Jean-Louis Aubert — , and a series with the same title intended for the provinces edited by Anne-Gabriel Meusnier de Querlon. The first two are referred to here as the Affiches de Paris, and the third as Affiches de province. RISM sigla. Scribe names. Rather than following the convention of designating music scribes as Scribe 1, Scribe 2, Scribe 3.

I propose here a system to help music scholars recognize connections between projects by naming scribes for some immediately recognizable characteristic of their hand, using two words with an internal capital to create a unique word that can be used in digital searches. The principal example in this dissertation is CommaClef, a scribe employed during the Royer administration who formed the lower dot of his bass clef in the shape of a comma.

Pierre and Bloch-Michel discovered an impressive number of primary source documents relating to the Concert Spirituel and included transcriptions of many of them. To the extent possible, I have included the text of these new sources, making room for them by paraphrasing the ones available in Pierre, the Slatkine and Minkoff reprints, Gallica, and Google Books.

When Lydia Goehr claimed that Bach did not mean to write musical works,40 she set off a long and acrimonious debate. Her full argument is far less controversial: the point of The Imaginary Museum was that the concept of a musical work did not become regulative until after Obviously, if this conclusion is correct—and my research tends to support it, at least as far as the Concert Spirituel is concerned—then musical works had to exist for many years prior to in order for the concept to form and become reified in a particular term.

Music was often recognized as a work of art, with a creator and an authorized text. My research builds upon hers by showing that at the Concert Spirituel, where most music was already divorced from its original setting and purpose and most of the composers were absent or dead, it was easy to think of musical works as objects independent of a particular person, time, or place. The Concert Spirituel and other public concerts played a central role in the development of the work concept, with consequences that are still unfolding today.

The first two were ruined while trying to develop a workable financial structure for public concerts; learning from these mistakes, their successors generally made a profit, and Legros ended his tenure as a rich man. Notarial actes legal contracts and other eighteenth-century sources provide a detailed picture of the relationships between these entrepreneurs and the people they depended on: their families, friends, professional colleagues—bureaucrats, financiers, performers, critics, publishers and composers—and members of the audience.

These relationships defined a field of bricolage see chapter 4 for each. They obtained musical scores and parts from some people and start-up capital from others. Some relationships brought ideas about new genres or unfamiliar pieces, while others constrained their choices in various ways. By making it easier or more difficult to acquire and perform certain pieces of music, relationships between people shaped what the entrepreneurs actually acquired, and thus shaped their music libraries.

The libraries shaped the Concert Spirituel repertoire, and from that repertoire, a few pieces achieved local canonicity. It is difficult for us to appreciate the way interpersonal relationships affected the selection of music in the eighteenth century. People seldom transacted business with strangers, and spoke to others only after being introduced by someone they already knew.

Everyone had a place in a hierarchical social network, and was at the same time constrained and enabled by the relationships that attached them to this place. The borrowing and lending of capital often took place between friends or family members; only occasionally did strangers come together to form a partnership.

Philidor — Anne Danican Philidor, born in , was one of the most famous in a family of illustrious musicians, but he fell into his fame: unlike his father, the royal music librarian, or his younger half-brother, an opera composer and chess master, this Philidor did not shape the world around him to his will. Many of his decisions were in response to financial difficulties. He was not a heroic individual who fought social constraints to realize his genius; the institution he founded was shaped by his reactions to circumstance.

Anne succeeded his father as an oboist in the royal hunt band in , and by , he had an unusually high salary for a simphoniste and played at the coronation of Louis XV in Anne was brought into the copying workshop sometime before , when volumes of music were copied for the count of Toulouse. Although Philidor is usually said to be the founder of the Concert Spirituel, it seems likely that his father and Lalande were also involved and were motivated by financial straits.

His father had a net worth of only 4, livres in , and died broke in The crisis precipitated by the bank failure of wiped out the assets of many current and retired Royal Chapel musicians, who were un- or under-employed during the minority of the king. Political unrest was at an all- time high: France had three different prime ministers in , and if the sickly young king had died without an heir, there would have been war with Spain and Austria.

Even after the king was moved to Versailles in , the Royal Chapel was a mere shadow of its former glory. In order to succeed, Philidor needed every bit of help he could get from his connections to family and patrons. Philidor obtained music by borrowing or purchasing it from Lalande, his father, and their colleagues, as will be shown in chapter 3. Of the forty-four identifiable pieces played in the first season, two-thirds were Royal Chapel motets by Lalande, Bernier, Campra, Destouches, and others.

Philidor economized by filling the space between the choral motets with smaller works for instrumental soloists. One, the violinist Jean-Baptiste Anet, was well known and held a post at the chapel. At the time of his own death three years later, the community property was worth only 39, livres.

Norbert Dufourcq, ed. The flute soloist Michel Blavet made his debut in the second season and returned for more than a hundred concerts in the next two decades. Finding a room large enough to contain a stage of this size and seating for the audience posed a nearly insurmountable problem in a world where no purpose-built concert hall had ever existed.

Once again, chance provided an opportunity: the child-king Louis XV had lived in the Tuileries Palace during the Regency, but was moved to Versailles in Philidor got permission to use the guardroom—the Salle des Cent Suisses—that had protected the royal apartments. It was more than suitable as a concert hall, even though it had never been furnished or decorated. The rosters between and list 43, 48, 45, and 47 players.

The great Parisian cathedrals and churches violated the monopoly with impunity and offered orchestrally accompanied motets, but only on a few feast days. CXVI, Throughout its history, this compact, festival-like period, supplemented by single dates during the rest of the year, kept the Concert Spirituel in the public view. The money was to be taken directly from the till, and if there were not enough income from ticket sales, Philidor was personally responsible for paying the difference.

The 1, livres to Francine, the first 1, livres to Bontemps, the money to remodel the Cent Suisses, and the money to pay the performers were all due within the first five months of How did Philidor fund for his startup expenses? An oboist in the Musique du Roi could scarcely have afforded so much, even with assistance from his family.

Philidor signed an open- ended contract with Michel De Launoy, a huissier bailiff in the household of the duc de Bourbon, and later of the new queen. They agreed to divide income and expenses equally, 20 Mercure, March , — Note that the Concert Spirituel did not perform during the entire Lenten season forty days before Easter, not counting Sundays.

For the first year, the payment schedule was 1, livres on Pentecost May 20 and the rest the following Easter Sunday. The real reason for the cancellations soon became clear. While it is possible that Philidor had been compensating Lalande for the use of his motets from the outset, the cancelled concerts and the retroactivity of the contract to July 1, costing Philidor livres for just two concerts make it likely that the widow demanded more money than Philidor had been paying, and that it took him five months to get it.

The following month, on January 16, , Philidor was condemned to prison for a debt of 1, livres to a marchand bonnetier merchant of hats, gloves, and hosiery , perhaps a private loan used to pay Concert Spirituel expenses. We do not know when he actually went to prison, but he 23 F-Pan M. VI, , new source. The September 8 concert was announced in the August issue but no review appeared, implying a cancellation.

Maurepas advised him to follow the terms of the contract for the time being, but offered him some hope by inviting him to pay a visit at Versailles. On April 24 perhaps after some intervention by Maurepas , he and De Launoy renegotiated their partnership, shifting the entrepreneurial risk entirely to Philidor.

Instead of splitting income and expense equally, they agreed that, retroactive to the beginning of , Philidor would bear all expense, pay De Launoy 2, livres per year in installments of livres per concert , and keep whatever net income remained. Philidor agreed to pay back an extra 4, livres De Launoy had either lent him or paid in excess of his half-share, and De Launoy agreed to help Philidor with the approaching renewal of the concert privilege and to defer payment of the 4, livres until Easter and His new partner was Pierre Simard, a former artillery lieutenant.

It begins with section on ticketing and cash 28 F-Pan M. CXV, Pierre, Histoire, 17 quotes the letter in full but misattributes it to the Lieutenant General de Police. XXX, , new source. The lease has not been found, but is cited in M. Les Marques ou Billets seront recus a la porte de la salle du concert par une personne.

Pouront chacun des Sieurs Philidor et Simard faire entrer auxdits concerts gratis six personnes auxquelles ils donneront leurs Billets. The contract gave a forecast of annual expenses, summarized in table 1. Somehow, the payment to Bontemps was reduced to 2, livres. The redevance ballooned from 1, livres to 12, livres as a result of removing the prohibition on singing music with French words and the limitation to religious feast days.

XXX, No amount was specified for the variable expenses as candles. Simard agreed to cover the first quarterly installment of the redevance and advance Philidor 6, livres to settle his affairs, to be repaid out of the profits of the concert. Simard also gave Philidor 1, livres in cash as compensation for converting his own furniture and decorations into partnership assets; the partners agreed to share all other income and expense equally.

They remodeled the hall and re-opened on December 20, Was he substituting because Philidor was ill or in jail? Or was Simard evaluating him as a replacement for Philidor, an addition to the partnership, or as a replacement for Simard himself?

It seems likely that this unusual event was somehow connected to a looming crisis. He had not the skills to carry it off himself, and so he left the practical problems for his successors. Simard — During the first Concert Spirituel partnership, De Launoy was a fermier, a passive investor who put up capital and expected a good rate of return.

When the return did not materialize, he promptly cut his losses, transferring all risk to Philidor and setting up an installment-payment 36 Mercure, February , ; March , —; June , Philidor violated the agreement by finding a new backer, but De Launoy did not object because this made it more likely that he would get his money back. Pierre Simard, like De Launoy, lacked a prior connection to the world of professional music- making.

Simard does not appear to have been as important a personage as De Launoy, and his actions show that he had a genuine interest in the Concert Spirituel. When Philidor resigned, Simard recruited a new music director; later on, he filed two lawsuits to protect the organization. At the beginning and end of his enterprise, he was the sole proprietor. Perhaps he also expanded the field of bricolage through his friends and acquaintances. His choice of Jean-Joseph Mouret — to direct the concerts was opportunistic: the recruitment took place in less than six weeks and Mouret had no prior connection to the grand motet repertoire.

Simard announced the appointment by the end of July and signed a partnership agreement with Mouret on August 9. Simard, with the experiences of the Philidor era fresh in his mind, drew up a kinder contract than De Launoy. He knew that it was as useless to expect a musician with no steady income to pay into the partnership as it was to expect a retired soldier to sing a motet.

Simard took responsibility for all expenses, including payment of wages, remodeling and maintaining the concert hall, candles and heating, the redevance, and the payments to Bontemps. The contract made Mouret more than an employee, but less than an entrepreneur. If there was a profit, he would receive half the net not half the gross, as Philidor had , but he had no responsibility for losses.

In effect, this meant that they would meet and talk after every concert. They agreed to share out their profits on November first of each year. Mouret contributed one more element to the partnership not mentioned in the contract: connections to royalty outside of the Versailles court. He had been surintendant of the music of the duchesse de Maine, whose husband was the eldest son of Louis XIV and the marquise de Montespan, and indeed, had directed and composed music for her legendary grands nuits at Sceaux — It is believed that many of his cantatas and cantatilles, and all of his solo motets, were written for the Concert Spirituel.

He began with the cantatas and cantatilles, then added excerpts from his ballets and 44 Mercure, August , Mouret was an active and dedicated director; the terms faire chanter or faire executer in the concert reviews confirm that he personally beat time, as called for by the contract. Unlike Philidor, who recruited local performers, he brought in famous foreigners: the Italian castrati Annibalo and Bordicio, the composer Giovanni Bononcini, and the violinist Giovanni Battista Somis.

They took place regularly from to the first part of , but went on hiatus after the Easter season ended, despite the specific permission in the lease. This distinctive title, two other stage works, and eight solo motets by Mouret appear on the Concert Spirituel music library inventory.

Simard and Mouret tried to resume their weekly schedule, but gave up at the end of January Spread over the 89 concerts given in , the 12, livres would have represented only livres per concert, which could be covered by selling about 50 tickets. But there were only 24 concerts spirituels per year, raising the per-concert cost of the lease considerably. With the additional costs of salaries, lighting, music copying, and the payment to Bontemps, the hall would have had to sell out on every concert to produce any net income.

She claimed Simard and Mouret should pay her what Philidor had owed to her husband: the lump sum of 4, livres plus 2, livres per year retroactive to and continuing as long as the privilege lasted. She gave the judges the only document she had in her possession—the June lease—and they promptly rendered judgment in her favor for 10, livres. Simard and Mouret filed an opposition that was apparently successful, because the concerts continued even after the seizure went into effect on January 19, XXXI, , new source.

They took statements from all the parties and overturned the earlier decision in July of Reading the Philidor-De Launoy partnership of June by itself, one gains the impression that Simard joined a pre-existing partnership, making him responsible for the previous debts. De Launoy] was not alienated from his part of the privilege, he simply substituted parties. It merely required Simard to pay the widow a lump sum of 2, livres.

Alternatively, the court may have reasoned that if De Launoy paid 4, livres more than Philidor while they were splitting income and expenses equally, then Philidor should have reimbursed him only 2, In any case, Simard thought 12, livres was feasible because, even after three seasons under the new lease, he fought to keep it in force when he could have simply abandoned it.

The crisis came a year and a half later, when Mouret asked to be released from the partnership. See the analysis in chapter 1 of the conflicts between early histories of the Concert Spirituel. CXIII, XLII, new source contains an unsigned draft.

Pierre does not specify the period for which payments were overdue. Thuret fasse saisir les effets qui sont dans la Salle des Thuilleries apartenants audit Sr. Ainsy, M. The two titles, however, belonged to two different 65 F-Pan O1 , , new source.

XXXI, Michel Brenet and Constant Pierre, writing in the prize competition, came to opposite conclusions. Brenet thought it was the father, and Pierre, the son. The Concert Spirituel was no plum for an old man at the end of a long career. Young Rebel was on just such a career trajectory in A survivancier was someone who purchased or was given the right to succeed a royal officer upon his retirement or death.

See chapter 1 regarding the prize competition. If this was the case, then there is no conflict between the two titles given by the Mercure: they both belong to the son. The same document also lists a livre gratification for the Concert Spirituel, purpose unspecified. Rebel pour ses apoint. La succession Berger [September - October ] Je conviendrai pourtant que M. Rebel fils may have held the title and collected the salary, but delegated the work of running the Concert Spirituel to someone else.

Rebel ne pourra faire. There was no mention of Rebel in any concert review after the second season. There are two candidates for such an assistant conductor position. The abundance of his compositions and violin performances on the programs, starting in , implies that he was making the programming choices.

He was paid 1, livres per year for these services,81 more than Rebel earned as the nominal leader of the Concert Spirituel. He might have been expected to conduct his own motets. Since there was little else that required the services of a conductor, Rebel need not have been present at the concerts. Although newspaper announcements and contracts generally said that he took over the Concert Spirituel in , the author of the Amelot manuscript, who was clearly acquainted with him, insists that he took over in En Le S.

Royer un nouveau Bail. Royer qui associa avec lui le S. Royer a fait homologuer son Bail au Conseil. The payments started sometime between and , since they were not mentioned in CO- see below but were in AJ13 8, IV.

In doing so, it should be noted that the records from the s give only the net profit; those from the s list gross income and expense, from which net profit can be calculated. AJ13 8, folder V. Net profit for the Concert Spirituel, — Amounts are rounded down to the nearest livre. Figures that are not stated in the records but can be calculated mathematically have been marked with an asterisk.

They show fairly regular payments to the ensemble musicians in , then delays of six months or more. The payments to the copyist, guards, and poster hangers were made with greater 89 F-Po CO, chapters 5 and 19, new source. Rebel, Blavet, and Lallemand were paid quarterly; their annual rates were , , and livres respectively.

The amounts are rounded down to the nearest livre. The Concert Spirituel component of these figures was 22, income and 14, expense for 17 concerts, a profit of about livres per concert. Arnoult, Soubra who did odd jobs and kept the keys to the concert hall , the frotteurs, and the tradesmen were probably the commis assistants listed in the income-and-expense reports. The August and September concerts were cancelled in , and then again in , , and Perhaps the reason was not because of the summer heat, nor fear that the concerts would be unprofitable, but rather the growing problem of the unpaid salaries owed to the staff soloists, chorus and orchestra.

His concerts occasionally included music with French words,96 but the number of concerts never increased. He sought the path of least resistance by choosing music that had been composed, copied, rehearsed, and performed elsewhere, and could be repeated at the Concert Spirituel at little extra cost or effort.

When Rebel took over in , there was no hint of his eventual lassitude. Rebel also enlisted such unusual performers as women instrumentalists Mlles Taillart, flute; Hotteterre, violin; Levi, viol and child prodigies. His salaried status gave him better protection than Philidor and Mouret, so he could afford to experiment. Unlike Mouret, he did not compose for the Concert Spirituel. Once the Mondonville motets began to dominate the programs in , other composers were squeezed out: there were only one or two new motets per year.

The new performers and works could have resulted from an informal agreement between Rebel and Royer that the latter would take over the concerts the following year. This would explain the appearance of a most uncharacteristic composition on June 2, a grand motet by an Italian, Andrea Adolfati.

Rebel would have had no reason to bring in new composers or repertoire at the very end of his tenure, but Royer would have wanted to test the waters before he signed the sort of contract that had proved the undoing of two previous entrepreneurs. In , the Concert Spirituel had been the only public concert in Paris for at least a decade.

The Concert Spirituel programs grew more repetitious while attendance waned. Tickets cost between 2 and 6 livres, so at an average of 4 livres per ticket, a concert which drew only listeners generated only 1, livres in gross income. The duc de Luynes estimated that the costs for were more than 10, livres and the income was 20, livres — The Royers and Mondonville — By , the Concert Spirituel was no longer new; it had become one of the traditional amusements on the days the theaters were closed.

After awhile, the monopoly on public music making was no longer sufficient to fill the seats. The need to provide some kind of novelty—new decor, new performers, or new music— would soon make opportunism, creativity, and bricolage into some of the mainstays of programming. Born in Turin on May 12, , he was the son of a French hydraulic engineer who, after working on the garden projects at Versailles, was posted to the court of Savoy by Louis XIV.

The family moved to back to Paris when Royer was an infant, but his connection to Savoyard and Italian culture would nevertheless become evident at a later date. His father died when he was fourteen years old. XLVII, , new source. He probably heard the first concerts spirituels and knew Philidor, Simard, and Mouret. Royer started out destitute; he could scarcely have earned enough from two operas to purchase court appointments and invest in the Concert Spirituel.

LIX, LIX, and Jean-Marc Nattier, pastels of M. Carmontelle painted a portrait of their daughters. This was the first time professional musicians financed the Concert Spirituel. He leased the Concert Spirituel to Royer on June 14, ; the liberal terms imply that he wanted to get rid of responsibility for it. Royer obtained a privilege for six years at 6, livres—half the former price—for each of the first three years and 7, for the others.

If Royer built new furniture, he would receive credit for it when the lease ended. Two undated paragraphs were appended, creating a partnership between Royer and Gabriel Capperan. XXXV, , a new source signed one month before the lease cited by Pierre. He was in poor health and had no discernable role in the performances. Perhaps Royer originally intended to finance the concerts himself, but offered Capperan a share to raise capital as the scope of the renovations grew.

This document revised the lease portion of the earlier agreement, but did not affect the appended partnership. Both documents were silent about performing music with French words; while Royer rarely took advantage of this omission, Mondonville used it when he introduced French oratorios in Capperan was born in or F-Pan M. XXXV, Simard had built loges along the walls in Royer proposed a multi-level structure that would triple the seating capacity along the perimeter of the hall. The Salle des Cents Suisses was certainly big enough to accommodate such a tall structure, rising unimpeded for two stories within the central pavilion of the Tuileries.

The November 1 concert was cancelled Spectacles de Paris, , 3. Royer rejected the strategy adopted by his predecessors for making the Concert Spirituel profitable. Instead of adding more concerts, he increased the seating capacity, generating more income per concert. He then took steps to fill these new seats by presenting new music and new performers.

New performers had always commanded a crowd, but using new music for this purpose was a daring innovation see the final sections of chapter 5. In , music was still the servant of words; it was not the main attraction at the opera, in church, or anywhere else. The focus on the grand motet was preserved, but in a unique way. Royer presented only two extra concerts Mercure, February , and December , The Adolfati motet and Tartini concerto were in the Italian galant style, but the contrast with French music was softened: the Adolfati motet had been played before, and Pagin was a native Parisian who could adapt Tartini and later, Locatelli to French ears.

He arranged his harpsichord pieces as concert symphonies—a new genre. Symphonies soon displaced motets as the standard program openers, an innovation that influenced concerts all over Europe. Royer quickly put together a repertoire of French, German, and Italian symphonies, many of which were probably detached opera overtures.

He also brought Italian arias back into the programs after a nine-year absence; not the baroque ones presented by Philidor, Simard, and Rebel, but galant showpieces composed by Hasse in Dresden and Jommelli in Stuttgart. Royer accumulated a library of motets, Italian arias, and symphonies in seven years that was nearly as large as what Rebel had collected in twice that time. He installed an organ with a showy buffet at center stage fig.

She formed a partnership with Capperan and Mondonville in time for the February 2 concert and strengthened her connection with Capperan by naming him guardian of her minor children. There was a partnership agreement dated January 31, , between Mme Royer, Mondonville, and perhaps Capperan.

These works succeeded because of French interest in mimesis; although textual images were depicted musically in motets with Latin words, these touches were easier to appreciate in the vernacular. Royer premiered 40 choral motets in seven seasons; Mondonville, in a similar period, did only half as many. Despite this lack of resolve, the concerts continued their success.

There was always enough of an audience to enable the partners to pay the 9,livre redevance, thanks to the increased capacity of the concert hall. For the first time, there was competition for control of the Concert Spirituel.

On February 10, , Dauvergne signed a lease, eighteen months before the expiration of the current lease. Arthur Machen New York: Boni, , Her knowledge of the history of the concerts is evident: she negotiated the right to take past-due lease payments directly from the cashier. Naturally, they had long and untroubled tenures. Son of the first violin of the Concert de Clermont, Dauvergne came to Paris in and studied violin with Leclair.

It took effect on July 1, , at the end of the Royer lease, and ran for nine years. Figure 3. Dauvergne gained minor improvements concerning indemnity if the king occupied the Tuileries: the provisions would apply to princes or princesses as well, and the Concert Spirituel loges and furniture would be stored in the magasin building rather than the Salle des Machines.

Neither he nor Capperan took an active role in the concerts; they merely invested capital and collected shares of the profits. Dauvergne provided himself with a 1,livre bonus in years when those profits exceeded 3, in recognition of his role as the sole active partner.

Clearly, the Concert Spirituel had matured: the partners expected profitability. Photo: Hans Petersen. While much was made both in the eighteenth century and today of this shift from a floor- thumping batteur de mesure to a violinist conductor, a caveat is in order: dual conducting was used only for instrumental works. Since the fire occurred at the end of the Easter fortnight, there was little effect on the Mercure, October , —; the reviewer had previously noted that the change gave the orchestra a better sound September , He himself composed seven choral motets and an equal number of solo and duo motets for the Concert Spirituel, primarily in his second and third seasons.

These scores have not survived, so we cannot know whether his sacred style incorporated the Italianisms that had made his reputation in Les Troqueurs. Dauvergne was the epigone of the ancient Lalande motet tradition. Dauvergne was not entirely bereft of ambition: he did make significant changes in the chorus. In his first season, he replaced about half its members, and in the second, he eliminated the male sopranos. The traditional French five-voice chorus, dating back to Lalande, consisted of F-Pan O1 , pcs.

The income for the first nine concerts was published in the Mercure, July , Some of the programs were published in the Mercure and Avantcoureur. The process began with an anonymous Miserere from the Royer library which bears names on the chorus parts that match the roster. In the years that followed, an increasing number of four-part choral works by Mathieu and Giroust were programmed alongside the traditional five-part repertoire. Like Royer, Dauvergne spent some of his creative energies on the development of young singers.

His creative energies, such as they were, remained fully committed to the Concert Spirituel until at least , when he sponsored a competition in the tradition of the royal and provincial academies. Les Juges seront M.

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Sigaut ER. Merci de votre avis. Bon courage. Ils me surprennent chaque jour! Je saurais me contenir. Pas de souci. Merci beaucoup! Bonjour, d'abord merci pour cette critique! Raw et a. Le site « observatoiredesmedias. Et pour cause. Le Point. Quatre heures de supplice!

Pourquoi tant de haine? Il ne s'explique pas. Les gardes veulent savoir s'il a des complices. Mais il y a embrouille. Attachez vos ceintures! L'accusation est grave. Damiens est donc soumis au supplice des brodequins. Le bourreau : un gamin! Cependant, comme aucun des deux ne veut faire le plus sale boulot, ils engagent un consultant en torture, un certain Soubise.

Il faut employer les soldats. Gabriel Sanson la plaque de force dans un brasier de soufre. Hurlements de souffrance. De nouveau, des hurlements. Maintenant, on lui verse de la poix chaude, de l'huile bouillante et du plomb fondu sur les plaies. Et devinez quoi? Des hurlements! Ce que les deux Sanson oublient de faire! La foule n'en peut plus.

Le spectacle est trop horrible. Les bourrins se remettent au turf. Damiens continue de hurler. Cela en devient fatigant Damiens respire toujours. En mai a lieu la Marche Rouge Merci Marion sigaut. Flux RSS des messages. Flux RSS des commentaires. Les parisiens se plaignaient parce qu'on enlevait leurs enfants.

Revue de presse du mois de janvier. Revue de presse du mois de juillet Mme de Montespan! On imagine la nuit blanche du lieutenant de police. Michel Le Tellier a les dents longues. Pour lui, l'affaire des Poisons arrive au moment opportun. Donc, il s'en empare. Les poudres? Son coeur?

Ses entrailles? Quelques cochons y paissaient. Auteur de Madame de Montespan. Il est aussi chroniqueur historique sur France Bleu. Elle se retire au couvent en , puis en province. Le 22 novembre , la fille de la Voisin, Guibourg et Lesage la reconnaissent formellement, lors d'une confrontation. A partir de , elle quitte le service de Mme de Montespan. Le complot contre le roi avorte. Jean-Christian Petitfils.

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