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Dopamine is equipment in cytokines important aldehydes. It is to this subject that I now turn. While in the interest of space I am neglecting the role of heavy metal at the event, there is a case to be made that PMK which was inspired by and began as strictly a punk rock event is aesthetically and ideologically rooted in punk rock much more than in metal. The best supporting argument to be made here is that PMK embraces the punk-derived DIY approach that prizes amateur inspiration over the virtuosity and grandiosity associated with cultures of heavy metal.

Thus, in keeping with more recent theorizations of "genre;' I am defining punk here less in terms of specific musical style than in terms of the genre's "implica- tions for how, where, and with whom people make and experience music" Holt -specifically, how punk has been aligned with abjection. In But Is It Garbage: On Rock and Trash, Steven Hamelman delivers a treatise on the "trash trope" of rock 'n' roll, which "assumes the guises of trash, garbage, rubbish, waste, debris, junk, and other synonyms that describe the disposed-of products of a throwaway society" Photographs by the author.

Hamelman argues that punk-"knee-deep in garbage, dreck, debris, waste, and junk" -amplified the "trashy" discourse of rock even beyond what had existed before. S One of the most notorious pieces of writing on punk is a newspaper article titled "The Filth and the Fury! It opened with the following paragraph: A pop group shocked millions of viewers last night with the filthiest language heard on British television.

The Sex Pistols, leaders of the new "punk rock" cult, hurled a string of obscenities at interviewer Bill Grundy on Thames TV's family teatime programme "Today. Lorry driver James Holmes, 47, was outraged that his eight -year-old son Lee heard the swearing I can swear as well as anyone, but I don't want this sort of muck coming into my house at teatime.

Punk scholar Dave Laing maintains that "along with the Sex Pistols' 'God Save the Queen' record, [the Grundy interview] was the most effective piece of provocation of the punk era" Decades later, The Filth and the Fury was the title used for the definitive documentary on the Sex Pistols. In the UK, the purported "filth," "fury," and overall "muck" of punk rock struck a loud chord, creating a moral panic that sought to cast out the abject element from British society.

Due to the on-air swearing and the publicity it created, the Sex Pistols were largely banned from most concert venues in the UK, and even in the US "punk" was turned into a dirty word that for many years guaranteed any band labeled as such a lack of radio airplay and major record label support.

One PMK regular, Aaron, who was present at Allin's final show and the subsequent riot, describes it as the one time in his life that was even more frightening than being in downtown New York on While most punk musicians and fans do not approach the Grand Guignol excesses of GG Allin, the genre is still defined in large part by the linkage of obscenity filth , anger fury , and amateurism noise.

Of course, each of these three elements has been interpreted variously across different historical periods, locales, and subgenres, and by different individuals. Still, the constant negotiation of "filth and fury" expressed in music that borders on noise is central to how punk is produced and interpreted.

I I In fact, this grounding in filth and fury invites chaotic confusion and radically different interpretations of what punk "means" and who it stands for and belongs to. Notably, the word "muck;' invoked by the lorry driver quoted in The Daily Mirror, is used not only to describe filth, dirt, or slime, but also a state of chaos or confusion e. Along these lines, many have noted the confusing vacillation of punk cultures between far left and far right politics and outright nihilism that shuns political engagement.

Punk historian Jon Savage highlights the "arresting ambiguities" of punk rock cultures in relation to race, class, gender, sexuality, and other markers of identity. Praising songs that jump "into the abyss" oflyrical contradiction, vocal glossolalia, and assaultive noise with "no tune just relentless punk" , Savage explicitly heralds the genre in Freudian terms when he writes of punk's "real return of the repressed" While rock as a whole has long been alternately heralded or criticized in similarly pseudo- Freudian terms, before the advent of punk it had never been so unequivocally positioned as an expression of pure Id with no recourse made to rational explanations such as juvenile delinquency or clear political aims.

Finally, they focus on Nirvana's final album In Utero and its first single "Heart- Shaped Box;' which "oscillates between womb-nostalgia and dread of sexual! With the consistent references to psychoanalytic notions of the abject in the discourse around punk rock, how might this abjection be communicated in musical terms? One common strategy is to translate the notion of "filth and fury" into music that sounds messy and angry-even if the resulting noise is produced in a deliberate, exacting manner.

The deliberate amateur- ism of many early punk records-limited to a few chords, no solos, sloppy playing, and rough timbres-quickly became sonic signifiers of the DIY aesthetic, with its stated aim of transcending one's musical and personal limitations. This led to efforts by even trained and experienced musicians to try to sound unstudied, indifferent, or at the very least "spontaneous.

For supporters, noise can serve as a sonic signifier of liberation from musical and social strictures, or even as a harbinger of emergent social formations where "what is noise to the old order is harmony to the new" Attali [] For singers in genres such as punk and heavy metal, the primary strategy of achieving the transcendence of noise is through screaming.

Screaming is truly DIY par excellence in that anyone can do it, and it does not require anything outside the body. The scream, ambiguously positioned between musical expression and noise, is also perched on a bodily threshold. While the forceful expulsion of the voice makes the body audible across long distances, at the same time it is more rooted in the muck of the body's materiality. Once the voice crosses a certain threshold in screaming, the materiality of the vocal chords becomes audibly apparent.

In the view of Allen Weiss, screaming serves as the "nonmaterial double of excrement, [which] may be both expression and expulsion, a sign of both creation and frustration" For punk and metal singing, however, the vocal timbre such damage produces is often considered desirable,14 and it is this abject physicality that makes the voice visceral, able to express strong emotion and especially emotional duress. With its basis in filth and fury-and its emphasis on the materiality of the human body and the voice-punk rock has from early in its history drawn substantially on the "trash aesthetics" of horror and pornography.

While even "mainstream" punk commonly draws on discourses of horror, this link is made even more explicit in the rp. Many horror film analyses-especially of the splatter variety that became dominant in the s-could just as easily be discussing heavy metal or punk rock. For instance, Barbara Creed draws on Kristeva to explain the modern-day "ritual" of horror films-where ritual is "the means by which societies both renew their initial contact with the abject element and then exclude that element" Michael Grant-building on Creed's work-describes horror films as "a kind of modern defilement rite" that "bring about a confrontation with the abject such that the abject the zombie, the vampire, etc.

Whereas many critics view horror movies as nothing more than ugly nihilism, others argue that horror movies serve as a meaningful index of the deepest fantasies and fears of a given time and place. The word "punk" itself was originally used to refer to young, male hustlers usually homosexual prostitutes. In London, the nascent punk scene was centered at the King's Road boutique Sex run by Malcolm McLaren and Vivienne Westwood, notorious for selling fetish gear and other sexual paraphernalia, not for its functional component, but as a fashion statement and arguably social critique.

In both horror and pornography, such ambiguities are highlighted in stock images that provoke simultaneous fascination and revulsion-the so-called "money shots" that feature the spewing of sexual fluids or the splatter of blood. In these scenes, abject bodily "wastes" penetrate the surface of the bodily container, accompanied by screams of pleasure or pain on the soundtrack again, not always so easy to tell apart. Linda Williams notes with regard to pornography that "it was not until the early seventies, with the rise of the hard-core feature, that the money shot assumed the narra- tive function of signaling the climax of a genital event" [ ] Taken together, it appears more than coincidental that the newly explicit displays of bodily abjection in pornography and horror during the s-where the body is literally turned inside out, and which both exercise a fixation on bodily pleasure and pain experienced by women-directly coincided with the dawn of punk rock and heavy metal.

In a sense, these two genres turned musical aesthetics inside out at the same time they turned the voice inside out, expelled in the form of the scream, at the same time that the ideals of the Boomer generation were arguably turned inside out. Flashing forward about thirty years, at PMK everything from karaoke to punk rock are turned inside out, set against the backdrop of post-economic bubble New York where the city has grown both observably richer in financial terms and less affordable for the majority of its populace.

In the following section, I trace the history of PMK and its participants in order to examine how and why abject discourses-often expressed through horrific and pornographic explicitness-may act as a response to a new era of uncertainty and contradiction. An attendee at one of these shows described the idea to bassist Rob Kemp, who was playing casually in a non -career band with guitarist Devin Emke both are originally from Louisville, Kentucky and drummer David Richman originally from subur- ban Ohio.

Stripped of its Hollywood invite-only glamour and all-star celebrity band, their version was considerably grungier but no less popular. In fact, it was soon more popular, and before long the band had garnered a core of regular attendees and write-ups in the local press. Within a year there was a spin-off heavy metal night that was soon better attended than the punk rock night. Weekly gigs were then scheduled, alternating between punk and metal, and within a year the two nights were fused into Punk Rock Heavy Metal Karaoke-a name which hints at the abject violation of strict genre boundaries and associated audiences.

In recent years, the band has treated the genre parameters of the event with ever-increasing looseness, adding "corporate rock" numbers by bands such as Journey and Styx songs that briefly got their own "Corporate Rock Karaoke" night and recent punk-influenced pop songs such as "Since U Been Gone" by Kelly Clarkson which was met with a bit of controversy among some regulars.

Although members of the band profess not to care about such labels, songs lists for punk and metal were kept separate until recently, and most singers still favor one genre over the other in their song selections. In this and other respects there is a constant erasing and redraw- ing of boundaries at PMK, as genre boundaries are continually elided and reinforced. Related to this negotiation of labels, the karaoke band has never given itself an official name, despite playing together for nine years and counting; instead, regulars refer to them simply as the Karaoke Band or the Unnamed Band.

Since naming practices are a central ontological strategy in rock and popular music-groups of musicians effectively become bands by taking on a name-the PMK band inhabits an uncertain, liminal space. Positioning themselves at the margins of the stage, their presence is marked by stoic expressions and a minimum of stage patter, all while taking aggressive songs and amping them up with faster tempos, increased distortion, and assaultive volume.

Despite their obvious musical skill in appealing to an audience of discerning punk and metal fans, bassist Rob Kemp seems to view what they do as abject on some level when he confesses in the PMK documentary, "sometimes I have a little bit of trepidation about what we're doing. I mean, are we a real band? We don't write our own songs. We don't have a regular singer. That's why we don't have a name.

I feel like we really shouldn't have a name if we're just sort of like a very brutal bar band or something. Raised in a council flat in Birmingham, Owen was a participant in the first-wave punk rock explosion in the UK, both as a fan and in a band called the Nervous Kind. Photograph by the author. Judging from this and other similar portrayals, the "au- thenticity" of the event is established straightaway through Owen's punk background, appearance, and English working-class accent.

Dressed in the same shiny matching-burgundy jacket and trousers week after week, with a T-shirt underneath that says "huge" in tiny letters figure 2 , Owen warms up the audience with intentionally painful comic banter and provocation. He then sings the first song-fronting the band in a performance of the Sex Pistol's "God Save the Queen" or Led Zeppelin's "Rock 'n' Roll" that is "stunningly urgent and unsentimental" Hoffman following the preceding silliness.

After the songlists are circulated, Owen calls songs in random order for the next three hours. When no one claims a song he mercilessly harangues the absentee or reticent singer "don't fahkin' sign up if you're not gonna get up! If the singer is accounted for, he or she is handed a lyric sheet and the band counts off. One by one, the singers lurch around the stage and scream along to the band's sonic assault. In keeping with the abject associations of punk and karaoke, Owen constantly introduces satiric, grotesque, and perverse humor into the proceedings.

At the conclusion of a particularly effusive performance, he will exclaim in a parody of a stoned hippie's voice , "It was just like a concert, maaaan! Imagine them, slapping against your thighs! Or is he fey? No, just English! An article in the entertainment section of the satirical weekly The Onion Love demonstrates a fascination with boundaries and borders, and particularly with their violation. Individual performers are described as having one personality offstage and another onstage, where they are "pos- sessed" by the song and the setting.

For instance there is "a sweet-faced TV writer named Dan" who, taking the stage to sing Iron Maiden's "The Number of the Beast," seemingly transforms into the subject of the song, "practically belching flames as his eyes glowed in their sockets:' Likewise, there is a description of "a pretty first timer" who "crank[ s1Led Zeppelin's 'Whole Lotta Love' into a startlingly confident orgasmic crescendo. But it wasn't that at all. Instead, they had somehow replaced the ever-present fear of public shame with this kind of support group vibe.

It was as unlikely a center of spiritual empowerment as I could have possibly imagined. Are there abject circumstances in their daily lives that lead them to seek out the singing cure of PMK? Answering any such questions in broad strokes is impossible, seeing as each individual has different motivations and desires.

Still, I will venture a few general observations given my own longstanding status as a PMK regular. First of all, many of the regulars paradoxically consider themselves "insiders" in the group due to their self-perceived status as "outsiders," "misfits," or "freaks" in their everyday existence.

This percep- tion comes across clearly in Cindy's description of the PMK crew, observing that many of the soon-to-be regulars first attended PMK alone or with a group of peers who did not return again: "All these people were sort of solo and just kept sort of going I have this feeling that, and maybe I'm projecting here, but I have the feeling that almost all of us were outsiders. I mean, the joke now is that everybody was an outsider in high school, but I really have the feeling that this crowd were particular outsiders in high school.

On the message board one regular describes a friend who will be attending PMK as "a total fucking freak which is one reason we got along so well , so he'll fit riiiiight in. While the abject status described above is often proudly owned, there are other sources of abjection at PMK that are not as welcome.

Besides the personal rivalries and failed romances that inevitably occur in almost any tightly knit peer group, such everyday drama has had far less impact than the near-fatal blow PMK suffered several years ago-a blow that perhaps took the abject dissolution of boundaries at PMK too far. Despite the unanticipated success ofPMK-for several years Arlene Grocery saw larger crowds on Monday nights than on most weekends; at PMK simply trying to push one's way to the bar and purchase a drink could be a thirty-minute undertaking-the karaoke band was dismissed by the club's management in late In short order they were replaced by another karaoke band that had "filled in" for them on a couple of previous occasions rumor suggests that the new band was willing to take the gig for less money.

The more committed regulars took to calling them the" scab band" and vowed never to set foot in Arlene's again. They followed the original karaoke band to new residencies at Crash Mansion and Continental , and to more recent venues such as Southpaw in Brooklyn and Midway the current home of PMK, which as of this writing just changed its name to Rehab.

Despite continued efforts by band members and regulars to promote PMK, the audience has steadily dwindled during the past few years. After increasingly sporadic appearances at PMK in and , Owen Comaskey has also departed the scene. Having lost his job at Arlene's at the same time that the band was let go, Comaskey went on to book occasional nights at Crash Mansion but had to leave his new job and his role as karaoke host due to health problems.

IS The emcee role is now filled by comedian Vadim Newquist. With an irreverent and free-associative sense of humor he ably continues the model established by Owen and is well received by both regulars and new attendees. However, some longtime regulars cannot help but feel a sense ofloss with the departure of the man who epitomized PMK for over five years.

This sense of loss is compounded by the fact that PMK currently attracts fewer and fewer first time attendees and has lost many of its younger regular attendees during the apex of karaoke at Arlene's, audi- ences were remarkable for the unusually wide and relatively even dispersal of attendees from their early twenties to late thirties. Most of the remaining regulars are now well into their thirties and moving into their forties. While there were once scores of regulars at PMK and dozens who regularly posted on the discussion board, now these numbers are in the single digits.

A recent posting on the board admitted that "there was a time back at Arlene's when we were a strong and large group of people but that heyday has long since passed and will not return no matter how we feel about it. Even if it has lost some of its underground buzz, the producers and the band have compensated by taking a more explicitly campy approach. During the initial CBGB's era, punk rockers in New York City and soon elsewhere responded to the pervasive abjection of their surroundings.

The city, and especially the Lower East Side LES , was economically depressed, crime-ridden, and overrun with the homeless, the drug-addicted, and self-marginalized dropouts. This marginality was in keeping with the long history of the LES as a haven for "outsiders;' most specifically the waves of immigrants who called the neighborhood home through much of the nine- teenth and twentieth century.

More recently, however, the LES has become home to a very different, wealthier type of resident, and its topography has been rapidly and radically altered. CBGB's could not cover its rent and shut down in October ,20 meeting the same fate as other Manhattan live music venues driven out of business by the real estate boom and the aggressive incursion of high-rise condos, chain stores, and luxury hotels plopped down incongruously in their new environment Tonic, Sin -e, Luna Lounge, The Fez, Tramps, Brownies, and others Y In this climate, the East Village and Lower East Side are again described in terms of degradation and marginalization, but of a very different sort from the past.

Abject revulsion stems from the "gentrification" of Manhattan's once-grungier reaches. Residents express a sense of violation, not by aggressive beggars or squeegee men, but by the penetration of their neighborhoods by the idle rich and the upwardly mobile Berman and Berger ; Freeman Driven by a rapacious real estate market and upwards-spiraling hous- ing rates the recent subprime mortgage collapse has yet to trickle down as cheaper rents for most New Yorkers , one can witness almost daily the shifting demographics and displacement of the lower and middle classes in Manhattan and in "outer" boroughs and suburbs, from Williamsburg and Park Slope in Brooklyn to Jersey City and Hoboken across the Hudson River.

Suddenly, the threatened demographic of the East Village and LES is not only the immigrants and the indigents, the punks and the poor who were once labeled with the blanket moniker Bowery Bums, but also the bohemian and hipster middle-class who more recently moved into the neighborhood. The two-hundred-year legacy of the Bowery as a zone of alterity and abjection has been nearily erased in the span of ten years. Whereas first-wave punk at CBGB's was often rooted in primary abjection-alternately wallowing in and revolting against their abject surroundings-PMK follows a strategy of secondary abjection where individuals attempt to rejoin the abject milieu through "a kind of modern defilement rite.

For those at PMK who remain on the fringes of bourgeois lifestyles and remunerative jobs those who do not self-deprecatingly label themselves "sell-outs" and "executive tools" , New York City forces the constant weigh- ing of "alternative" identifications against financial security, a stable career, owning property, and starting families. Despite the wide variety of careers and personal aspirations among those at PMK, this struggle to balance unconventional lifestyles and nonconformist values with economic neces- sity is a common concern that bonds the PMK regulars together.

Over the years, as some regulars have shifted their focus more to family and career, or simply moved out of the city, the core constituency of PMK has dwindled further. The decrease in PMK attendance has been especially severe among the women who once regularly attended the event-responding to a variety of factors that may include the pressure to "settle down" into domesticity before it is "too late," and the pressure applied by a genre culture that is not always welcoming to women who have passed a certain age.

Is PMK a form of resistance to these abject conditions-however effective? Many would not see performing karaoke as "resistance" under any circumstances, instead viewing the performance of someone else's songs strictly in terms of conformity.

However, in a mass-media infused culture, individuals often develop a sense of ownership of recorded music, even if they are made to feel shame and sense of violation for doing so. This process of making a song one's own, and expressing the self through consumer choices and interpretations of shared cultural texts, is similar to what New York apartment-dwellers experience as they make a rented space "their own" and alter the space to meet their own desires-what Michel de Certeau has described as the "subtle art of 'renters' who know how to insinuate their countless differences into dominant texts" xvii.

While these spaces may be fully occupied by their denizens, they still straddle a sometimes uncomfortable line dividing "mine" from "not-mine. One can see this linkage at PMK, as singers who "rent out" and "take over" songs for their own purposes, draw on tactics familiar to urban dwellers for whom renting is an ever more fraught yet still potentially subversive way of life.

Out of the roughly two hundred and fifty songs on the PMK karaoke list, only twenty-two were originally sung by female artists. Perhaps unsurprisingly, male singers make up the majority of performers at PMK, but there is a sizable contingent of women who do not by and large limit themselves to the scant offering of female-voiced songs.

Therefore, most female singers are put in the position of temporarily inhabiting songs written and originally voiced by men. Given that many of these songs contain lyrics that are not only from but also explicitly about a masculine subject position, it puts these women in the position of renting out sonic spaces with a masculine floorplan. Phallocentrism is explicitly manifest in some of the lyrics heard at PMK. Women who perform songs such as Led Zeppelin's "Whole Lotta Love" "gonna give you every inch of my love" , the Scorpions' "Rock You Like A Hurricane" "give her inches and treat her well" , or Buzzcocks' "Orgasm Addict" "now your mother wants to know what are those stains on your jeans" take on an imaginary phallus and effectively perform "in drag.

In examining not only the words of rock but words about rock, it becomes apparent that there are also "phallic" musical codes and discourses associated with rock-a phallocentrism that is taken for granted to the point where "analysis of gender and rock has often begun with the premise that rock is created and performed by men or that it exemplifies a masculinist perspective" Leonard Thus, anyone who seeks to critique this premise is compelled to first consider how rock and masculin- ity became so closely intertwined in popular, journalistic, and scholarly discourses Leonard ; Fast With the rare exception, this premise is accepted even when it is cri- tiqued.

For instance, there is a common argument that the electric guitar in rock is "virtually seen as an extension of the male body" where guitar players sometimes explicitly "mime masturbating their 'axes'" Bayton They go on to label punk rock as even more hyper-masculine than rock in general: with its "directionless aggression and unbridled veloc- ity However, there is a dissonance here in that the punk movement is often credited with opening up rock to greater participation by women musicians and not just singers.

With a DIY perspective that encouraged and enabled women to bypass the male gatekeepers of rock culture in theory at least, but certainly more than before , a unique opportunity was presented for women to engage with the anger and outrageousness of rock. Williams, Kim Gordon, and their many inheritors. Not only is the list substantial, but it is also notable that some of the most adventurous, innovative, and experimental music within punk rock has been created by women musicians who took the notion of self-invention to heart, and who often directly confronted "gender trouble" in their lyrics, performances, and music.

With this relatively high level of participation, and with the female- centered creativity that pervades punk rock, why is it that fan-based event such as PMK is still overwhelmingly dominated by a masculinist orienta- tion? While the genre of punk rock may have led to slightly more equitable practices of musical production, this was not necessarily the case for the music's consumption. Punk rock has often been analyzed as "subcultural" music par excellence, and the subcultures that form around the consumption of punk rock-and other subcultures ranging from mods to bikers-have overwhelmingly been assumed to be mostly if not entirely male enclaves.

As early as , Angela McRobbie took Dick Hebdige's classic subcultural exegesis to task-Subculture: The Meaning of Style , a book whose analysis of the "mess" of punk is still often cited-for his failure to engage with "subculture's best kept secret, its claiming of style as a male but never unambiguously masculine prerogative" [ As a result, any female participation in rock music and especially "hard" rock music-whether as fans or as musicians-still strikes many observers as paradoxical.

Susan Fast confronts the supposedly exotic status of female fans of hard rock in her writing on Led Zeppelin-a band routinely and dismissively labeled as "cock rock. The scene, a montage of various audience members listening to and looking at Led Zeppelin, includes one extended shot of a woman who stares intently at the band, "riveted" by the performance with an expression of "pleasurable wonder.

Framing the question of "women in rock" in terms of the visual and audile "gaze" of the fan engages longstanding debates in film scholarship, specifically Laura Mulvey's concept of the "male gaze" Mulvey argues that most films are shot from a point of view that is unambiguously masculine-stemming from the preponderance of male directors, cinema- tographers, and editors who determine where our "gaze" is focused, and who depict the gazes of various characters. If most films are indeed produced through a male gaze, the corollary to the argument is that viewers from whatever subject position can only view the film through the lens of this built-in male gaze and its attendant bias.

This theory leaves the female film viewer in a somewhat untenable position. Film scholar Mary Ann Doane asks, "even if its is admitted that the woman is frequently the object of the voyeuristic or fetishistic gaze in the cinema, what is there to prevent her from reversing the relation and appropriating the gaze for her own pleasure? Is there an equivalent to the "male gaze" for music?

Or is the gaze a meaningful metaphor for certain types oflistening? At PMK, the visual gaze is very much a part of the event, as audiences gaze at the singer much as they would gaze at a famous rock star, taking on the behavioral cues of rock audience behavior including photography. There is likewise a concentrated focus of listening that takes place at PMK.

The vast majority of those in attendance are intimately familiar with at least some of the songs they will hear-knowing the songs "inside out"-and they are highly attuned to how a singer adheres to or departs from the recorded version. In the case of film-where women are increasingly prevalent as producers and screenwriters, and have always had a major presence as actresses-men still dominate the roles that allow the most direct mediation of the gaze e.

Similarly, in recorded popular music, women may be increasingly prevalent as musi- cians, songwriters, and music industry personnel. However, the roles most dominated by men are precisely those that most directly mediate how music is heard-sound engineers, record producers, and music critics notably, these are the full-time careers pursued by the musicians in the PMK band.

If most music is framed by this male-directed auditory gaze, how is possible for women to avoid hearing music from a masculinist perspective? At PMK, does the female fan of phallic hard rock unavoidably hear music "in drag:' through the ears of the patriarchy? For if they enjoy the genres on their "own terms:' they risk being accused of complicity with a patriarchal phallic perspective.

But if they avoid rock and especially if they lean towards "pop" , they only reinforce the stereotypical rock-is-to-masculine as pop- is-to-feminine equation. Either way, women musicians and fans of these genres are forced into confronting and positioning themselves in relation to their gender, whether they want to or not.

This is a dilemma that is not faced by male rockers who occupy the default and thus invisible subject position. Just as with "women in rock" in general, the women regulars at PMK are marked off as "Other" in many subtle and not-so-subtle ways. Message board threads have been formed around the "ladies of PMK. Among regulars, the presence of women is often noted in a way that it is not for men, even among the women themselves.

To give one example, when asked exactly what sold her on PMK during her first visit, Cindy responds: The first person I remember seeing up onstage was this little four-foot- nothing Asian girl with pigtails. So cute, just absolutely adorable. And she kicks out [Motorhead'sl "Ace of Spades" with a voice that clearly came from hell! Everybody was just like [jaw drops l, and I don't think I've closed my mouth ever since.

There was something about that, and then the way everybody was just like, "Yes, right on! In this and other cases, the power that female singers may potentially wield is double- edged, as it is directly wedded to their disempowered status. The power associated with an abject violation of boundaries is instantly achievable by women who convincingly "cross over" to an aggressive, masculine subject position.

However, this secondary abjection of border-penetration is depen- dent upon the preexisting primary abjection associated with the feminine, where women are assumed to be already lacking in clear boundaries-e. Thus, one might view the female singer's channeling of Motbrhead as empowering for its break with expectations and stereotypes, or conversely one may argue that the performance is viewed as remarkable precisely because these stereotypes are still firmly in place and her Otherness is taken for granted.

In this instance, dissonance was magnified through the double-Othering of gender and race, which made her performance of Motorhead perhaps even more powerful and appealing for those in the audience and perhaps for herself as well. Further complicating matters, punk and metal can be empowering for some women precisely because of the genres' association with hyper- masculinity and male consumership. Co-opting this masculine privilege is potentially more empowering than aligning oneself with the music of more "sensitive" or "enlightened" male performers or female performers.

The day after Lauren's first performance of "So What;' Cindy praised her performance and concluded that the song "has so much more force as done by a woman. You know, 'blow me' 'suck my cock' that sort of thing. It gives a girl a chance to send it back out there. As argued in the opening sections of this article, "dissonance" is central to the aesthetics of karaoke, punk, and PMK: dissonant gender roles; dissonances between original and version, between star and fan, between live and mediated; and dissonant pitches, rhythms, and timbres.

At PMK, singers and other attendees seek out and even amplify this dissonance. Like somebody hand me some hand sanitizer! For women performers, however, there is little doubt that singing Led Zeppelin is a performance just as masculinity itself is a performance.

Here, then, is an instance where the male gaze seems to lose its supposedly infallible power-subverted by women performers who do not simply inhabit the gaze or directly counter it, but instead magnify and intensify the gaze to a point where it becomes hyperreal. Whether this results in a unrealistically sharpened or an incoherently blurred depiction of phallocentric masculinity, the mediating role of the gaze is made obvious-so that it is not only the gazed upon and desired subject who is made apparent.

In the realm of sound, the scream appears to be a primary strategy for flipping around the male gaze. As frequent karaoke singer Nina puts it: "When you scream you scream to be cathartic While the abject ambiguity of the scream may for some offer an opportunity to escape the male auditory gaze, others have noted a gendered component when it comes to screaming in punk rock. For instance, PMK regular Bev is well known among her friends for what she calls her "very wild and screamy" vocal style.

Her frequent straining at the confines of the voice, and the voices of punk singers familiar from recordings is matched by her movements onstage where she appears to be straining at the confines of her own body. In these respects, Bev's singing shares much in common with influential early female punk singers, many of whom introduced unusual singing techniques such as portamento slides beween and around pitches, disjunct melodies, and the use of an extremely wide ambitus-singers such as Ari Up of The Slits, Poly Styrene of X-Ray Spex, Ana da Silva and Gina Birch of The Raincoats, and Exene Cervenka ofX.

Bev singles out Cervenka as a particularly strong influence. As co-lead singer of LA punk band X, Exene Cervenka's voice works in counterpoint to the voice ofJohn Doe-his steady, throaty, and "cool" rockabilly delivery is contrasted against her vocal pyrotechnics.

I don't think she really cared about being technical at all. I think she was just somebody who needed to put out noise. While Lemmysings in a noticeably lowered vocal register, within a narrow ambitus that is almost monotone, and using an open, guttural vocal timbre common techniques used by many, although certainly by no means all, male punk rock singers , Exene Cervenka and many other female punk singers produce noise through vocal techniques that are almost directly the opposite.

Their singing voices are often deliberately thin and shrill, sliding between pitches and bending pitches noticeably out of tune. As early as , Simon Frith and Angela McRobbie noted that punk was unique in "allow [ing] female voices to be heard that are not often allowed expression on record, stage, or radio-shrill, assertive, impure individual voices" that expressed a "strident insistency" [ ] Likewise, Caroline O'Meara has noted how "The Raincoats took advantage of punk's ideology of amateurism to shatter traditional read: masculine subjectivi- ties in rock music" O'Meara locates their musical subversion of gender roles most clearly in their approach to the voice, and the unusual choice not to designate a single full-time lead singer.

In one of their iconic songs, "Fairytale in the Supermarket;' vocalist Ana da Silva does "not hold onto single declamatory pitches, in fact they resemble Sprechstimme at times in their seeming spontaneous bends and turns" While O'Meara acknowledges that this technique in grounded to some extent in the style of other punk singers-most specifically Johnny Rotten, who "used this tech- nique to accent the ends of phrases and important words"-The Raincoats went a step further by moving the vocal technique from the margins to the center, "diffus[ing] it [and] making it the primary mode of signification" which "creates an effect of dizzy uncertainty" In the next and final section I analyze a performance by one female regular at PMK, a singer who is well-grounded in the history of female punk rock and who deploys this vocal history in her own performances.

In this discussion, I will consider how vocal style itself can serve as a commentary although always open to different interpretations on gender, punk rock, and abjection. The A and B sections repeat in the same streamlined and precise fashion, with little discernable difference between each iteration. In terms of vocal timbre, there is nothing that remotely resembles screaming; Joey Ramone is known for producing melodicism rather than noise, in contrast with the overdriven guitars.

In a performance of the song that was recorded on June 14, , Caroline breaks with many of the characteristics described above. In her first iteration of "beat on the brat" she adds a slight trill to the "r" in "brat" that builds on, but departs from, Joey Ramone's discernable British inflections. In her second iteration of the phrase, she spits out "brat" in a growling low voice that suddenly and briefly registers a death metal vocal style, and finally her third repetition is sung in a more throaty style-thus taking on three distinctly different voices in the span of about eight seconds.

She sings the "oh yeah" section fairly straight this first time through, though the final "oh oh" is more yelled than sung. In the second repetition of the "beat on the brat" section, Caroline introduces subtle variations on the melody and phrasing of the original verse, singing the second of the three with what sounds like a chiding inflection whether aimed at the audience, or herself, or the child who is the subject of the song, or perhaps taking on the voice of the child, is uncertain.

Then, in the final "oh oh" leading into the first B section, she elongates the final "Oh" into an anguished or ecstatic? Or it can be interpreted in the context of her performance, which is akin to a vocal form of graffiti-where she doesn't so much "sing" the song as offer a vocal commentary on the song, enacting a voiced dialogue with the song. In the first B section, Caroline sings "what can you do?

The sharpness of the pitch and the strain of the voice lends the question an urgency, a desperation even, not present in the original version. The screaming, unsteady delivery also reorients the lyric, so that a song about a brat-petulant, whiny, alternately pleading and demanding-sounds like it was voiced by that very same brat. Moving through the B section, Caroline continues twisting her voice into new subjectivities-moving into a piercing upper register on the second iteration of "deeewww" and on the word "that" "with a brat like THAT" , and then suddenly dropping into a sneering, half-spoken Sprechstimme "always on your back what can you deew-uuuh?

In the second run- through of the A and B sections, Caroline continues twisting each phrase into new shapes, with new implications for each inflection, in a virtuosic and galvanizing performance that collapses decades of punk singing style into two-and-a-half-minutes. The "seeming spontaneous bends and turns" of vocal timbre extend also to pitch, as Caroline rarely lands on a pitch and stays there.

Rather, she constantly pulls stable pitches out of their orbit-e. In effect, Caroline takes the Ramones' "Beat on the Brat" and turns it inside out. Drawing on a shifting array of vocal styles-her voice careening from Joey Ramone to Johnny Rotten, from a frustrated teacher to a third- grader throwing a temper tantrum-one can hear the collision of multiple subjectivities. While this may seem to be consistent with the abjection of punk rock as widely understood-the violation of stable categories of Self and Other-the very binary model that abjection depends upon is shattered in her performance.

In other words, what we hear in Caroline's voice is not the trading of one voice for another and the interpenetration this implies, but rather a shattering of any notion of stable, consistent boundaries that are available to be violated whether related to pitch, rhythm, timbre, or vocal identity.

This multivocality dismantles the very idea of a norm existing at all. Instead of attempting the impossible task of removing gender from the picture, multiple genders and subject positions are overlaid to the point of confusion and breakdown. In creating this hyperreal vocal landscape, there is a blurring of stable boundaries that is instigated not only through exaggeration but also through a rapid-fire proliferation of multiple perspectives-which effectively shifts the emphasis from the subject of the auditory gaze the "original" song to the agency of the fan's auditory gaze i.

Here, then, opposition to phallic domination rests not in a single unified position of resistance, but rather in a "multiplicity offorce relations" Foucault [] Conclusion As noted earlier, "musical voices cross and enunciate thresholds" Schwarz Along these lines, I have attempted to map some of the thresholds that are crossed and enunciated by singers and other participants at PMK. These thresholds are diverse, with boundaries negotiated between and around musical genres, gender roles, ontological notions of subjectivity, and shifting geographic significances in New York City.

To examine these boundary negotiations, I chose abjection as an interpretive frame for a number of reasons. First, the event is grounded in two performative lexicons-the genre of punk and the practice of karaoke-that are already discursively situated in terms of the abject. Also, given that abjection, as theorized by Kristeva, is centrally concerned with the body, and especially with horrific and sexualized experiences of the body, it provides a useful lens for analyzing the vocal and bodily display, and the bawdy humor and horrific imagery, found in abundance at PMK.

Finally, and most importantly, the regular participants utilize the terms of the abject in their own speech and in their own interpretations of the event. While different attendees find different pleasures in participating in PMK, they are nonetheless collectively informed by the specific musical, performative, generic, historical, and gendered configurations of abjection that I have outlined in this article.

While this multiplicity might sometimes lead to incoherence or "noise" as with the subversion of gendered perspectives described here , it just as often leads to instances where multiple trajectories inform and build upon each other. The abjection of karaoke, of punk rock, of femininity, of fandom, of "amateur" performance, of economic marginality, of aging in a youth-oriented society, and of living in New York City are all intertwined at PMK.

While the screams that result may be valued for their lack ofliteral meaning, the production of noise is never meaningless. Notes 1. These opening paragraphs are written in the present tense but describe a period between and However, the flip side proved more popular than the purported single, and it subsequently became the band's trademark song. The band's first full-length album, WeAre. The League, was released in but did not include "So What.

Karaoke as a telling metaphor for the human condition has acted as the central conceit in theatrical films such as Duets and Jackpot , and in pivotal scenes karaoke has fulfilled a similar function in major hit films such as Lost In Translation and High School Musical Unfortunately many of these postings have been deleted to save disk space. These statements are representative of the substantial anti-karaoke discourse one can find online.

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