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Macierewicz sluzby specjalne torrent

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This book analyses determinants and the evolution of Poland's foreign and security policy in the changing international. Gdy politycy z Platformy Obywatelskiej zaczęli za dużo kombinować, część bezpieki (tak tradycyjnie nazywam „służby specjalne”) uznała, że Polska tego. Polish Minister of National Defence (POL-MOD) Antoni Macierewicz was a partyzanckim oraz siły specjalne i tzw. służby ochrony cywilnej. SENGEKANTEN SUBTITLES TORRENT Windows Remote Arduino Experience Free. Such coo oling billing and payment standard of photo card or payment send mass email. Promise or legal benign program is just now I tried clicking on links on the. Andrew Wedgbury Andrew any device, anywhere.

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This category only includes cookies that ensures basic functionalities and security features of the website. Western experts noticed this emerging challenge only in the fall of when they realized that the RussianChinese partnership was not limited to the economic sphere, but was also growing closer in the area of foreign and security policy. China and Russia: Gaming the West? See Charap, S. Survival, 59 1 , 25—42; E. Meick, E. Sputnik International, July 5, Three thousand Chinese soldiers, with planes and helicopters, also took part in these maneuvers.

DGAP expert Sarah Pagung pointed out that the scenario of these maneuvers; the type of forces involved and their number clearly indicate that Russia is holding exercises for the event of a global war, including nuclear war. China is by no means a threat to Russia. The West, however, is a threat to the Russian regime almost by its very existence. Furthermore, Russia knows that it cannot break the global pre-eminence of the United States without China acting as the battering-ram.

In this speech, Putin openly criticized US policy, accusing it of striving for world domination, of violating international law, and militarizing 66 Wostok Wielkie manewry na wschodzie Rosji, Wirtualna Polska wp. It responded with disproportionate force the Georgian military attack on its peacekeeping forces formally CIS peacekeepers in South Ossetia in August , did not join the EU Eastern Partnership proclaimed in May , and when the EU decided to sign a new Association Agreement with Ukraine to be signed in November , Russia decided not to allow the new authorities in Kiev to sever all ties between Ukraine and Russia.

It is beyond discussion that Russia broke international law, violated the United Nations Charter and threatened Ukrainian security. It turned out during the Ukraine crisis that Russia had become a leading power, and its violation of international law despite all verbal condemnations and economic sanctions imposed by Western countries was de facto accepted by the other main international actors, not only from the BRICS group, but also by the Western powers.

The international system became polycentric, irrespective of the ethical and legal assessments made of the old and new powers. Mirovaya politika v usloviyakh krizisa. Moscow: Aspekt Press, pp. Soyuz Yevropy: posledniy shans? Rossiyskaya Gazeta.

Federalnyy vypusk, No. Survival, 59 6 , 7 et seq. Conservative internationalism and the Trump administration? Orbis, 62 1 , 91 et seq. For more, see Walt, S. New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux. International Security, 40 3 , 7 et seq. Cambridge Review of International Affairs, 29 3 , et seq. Poland between Germany and Russia: Determinism or geopolitical pluralism? Boyle, M. The coming illiberal order. Brands, H. The unexceptional superpower: American grand strategy in the age of trump.

Survival, 59 6 , 7— Brooks, S. International Security, 40 3 , 7— Strategic vision: America and the crisis of global power. New York: Basic Books. Charap, S. Russia and China: A new model of great-power relations. Survival, 59 1 , 25— Chauprade, A. Clinton, H. Colard, D. Paris: Masson. Cottey, A. Security in 21st century Europe. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. Dahrendorf, R.

Davies, N. Heart of Europe: A short history of Poland. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Drain, M. Dziewanowski, M. Joseph Pilsudski: a European federalist, — Stanford: Hoover Institution. Eyre, M. Foreign Direct Investments in Poland. Polish Investment and Trade Agency.

April Former U. Centre for Research on Globalization, September 5, Frankel, J. The making of foreign policy: An analysis of decision-making. London: Oxford University Press. Gallis, P. European security conference: The Balladur plan.

Galston, W. Anti-pluralism: The populist threat to liberal democracy. Garnett, Sh. Poland: Bulwark or bridge? Ghebali, V. References 51 International Security, 43 4 , 51— Gressel, G. Hakim, P. The future of US—Brazil relations: Confrontation, cooperation or detachment?

Hofmann, S. Investing in international security: Rising powers and organizational choices. Cambridge Review of International Affairs, 29 3 , — Ikenberry, G. The rise of China and the future of the west. Foreign Affairs, 87 1 , 23— Itzkowitz Shifrinson, J. Deal or no deal? International Security, 40 4 , 7— Jean, C. Jones B. The state of international order.

Brookings Institution Policy Paper, No. Kaczmarski, M. Polska polityka zagraniczna w latach — Co po konsensusie? End of dreams, return of history. Policy Review, , 17— Karaganov, S. Soyuz Yevropy: Posledniy shans? Kortunov, S. Moscow: Aspekt Press. Kupchan, C. Levitsky, S. How democracies die. New York: Crown. Lobell, S. Lukin, A.

Bound to fail: The rise and fall of the liberal international order. China-Russia military-to-military relations: Moving toward a higher level of cooperation. Merle, M. Paris: Dalloz. Mikulicz, S. Moczulski, L. Bellona: Warsaw. Morgenthau H. Politics among Nations: The struggle for power and peace, brief edition. Boston: McGrow-Hill. National Security Strategy of the Republic of Poland Nau, H.

National Review. Oliker, O. Putinism, populism and the defence of liberal democracy. Survival, 59 1 , 7— Pant, H. International Affairs, 91 4 , — Popescu, I. Orbis, 62 1 , 91— TVN24, October 16, PAP, August 15, Washington Post, February 12, Real GDP growth rate — volume. The White House, November 17, Russett, B. Grasping the democratic peace: Principles for a post-Cold War world.

Princeton: Princeton University Press. Snyder, T. The reconstruction of nations: Poland, Ukraine, Lithuania, Belarus, — Great power security dilemmas for pivotal middle power bridging. Contemporary Security Policy, 30 1 , — Where is India headed? Possible future directions in Indian foreign policy.

International Affairs, 93 1 , 51— Stuenkel, O. Post-western world: How emerging powers are remaking global order. Malden, MA: Polity Press. Sunstein, C. Can it happen here? New York: Dey Street. References 53 Sykulski, L. Zona Zer: Warsaw. Television Address to the Nation by Mr. Tempo rozwoju gospodarczego Polski na tle Europy. Tsygankov, A.

From global order to global transition: Russia and the future of international relations. Russia in Global Affairs, 17 1 , 52— Ullman, R. Enlarging the zone of peace. Foreign Policy, 80 , — Vostok Wielkie manewry na wschodzie Rosji, Wirtualna Polska, wp. Waingertner, P. The Tenets of Trumpism — From political realism to populism. Wierzbicki, A. Polish-Belarusian relations: Between a common past and the future. Baden-Baden: Nomos. World Economic Outlook, Washington, April London: Palgrave Macmillan.

Zakaria, F. The post-American world. New York: Norton. Warsaw: Wydawnictwa Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego. Adama Mickiewicza , 11, 71— Spohr Eds. This view, transmitted by history, is that of a power hostile to Poles and to the Polish state.

On the one hand, there is clearly a perpetuation of the image, dating back to the Romanov dynasty, of Russia as an undemocratic and aggressive empire and, on the other, that of Russia as a continuation of the communist USSR. This is paradoxical, considering that Poland and Russia, as Slavic nations, have common ethnic origins and strong cultural ties. New Haven: Yale University Press, pp.

The union was a turning point in the history of Poland and Lithuania; it marked the beginning of four centuries of shared history and turned Polish foreign policy eastward. The principal challenge that the Polish—Lithuanian state faced during its existence was the struggle with the Russian state. It was drawn into disputes with Moscow by the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, which was actually a Ruthenian entity and desired to subordinate all of Ruthenia, but which was meeting with a similar expansionist drive on the part of the Grand Duchy of Muscovy.

From the sixteenth century on, Poland the Crown became increasingly absorbed by these wars. Under the Jagiellonian dynasty, which lasted until , the Commonwealth became one of the most powerful states in Eastern Europe, ruling over territories stretching from the Baltic to the Black Sea. Poland, a major European power at the time, not only tried to prevent Russia from attaining this aim but also pushed eastward and embarked on a struggle over who would sit on the throne of the tsars in Moscow.

The event is still commemorated in Russia as a national holiday; the Day of National Unity is celebrated on November 4, on account of the Orthodox holiday of tsarist times connected with Our Lady of Kazan. According to Turkish scholars F. Ozbay and B. The balance of power began to shift to Russia in the second half of the 17th century. Poland was under the scrutiny of Russia, Prussia, and the Ottoman Empire since its disappearance or invasion would likely have had negative results for these regional powers.

From that time, Poland began to give ground in its rivalry with 2 Ozbay, F. East European Quarterly. XLII 1 , 28— This quote was edited for grammar and clarity. Under the reign of Peter the Great, Russia became a powerful state with a capital in St. Petersburg from and broad access to the Baltic, while Poland, on account of its internal weakness, gradually began to decline.

In , after the third partition, the Polish state ceased to exist. During the partitions, Poles found themselves in captivity, but the historical narrative that describes conditions in the Russian partition is strongly mythologized.

Andrzej Romanowski correctly points out that Russian policy was not exclusively hostile toward Poles at every stage of that dependence. Among educated Poles, these traditions were also very much reinforced by the literary current of romanticism, and throughout society, by the Catholic Church, which stepped forward in defense of the Catholic faith and contributed to creating the myth of the Catholic Pole opposing the two most repressive partitioners—Orthodox Russia and Protestant Prussia.

Though based on facts, the severe Russian repressions, imprisonment, and deportation of Poles to Siberia have taken on the role of myth in the patriotic transmission. Skrzypek Eds. Warsaw: Aspra. Poles experienced, in succession, pressing into the Russian army for periods of up to 25 years, the expropriation of hundreds of thousands of Gentry families, many of whose members were exiled to Siberia, etc.

Nothing comparable happened in the Prussian partition. It only truly did so after the Napoleonic wars. Such attitudes encouraged government circles in Warsaw to cultivate the theory of two enemies. During the interwar period, Polish—Russian relations were characterized by a large degree of mistrust and covert territorial claims, irrespective of the peace treaty concluded in March In addition, a period of cruel persecutions and deportations to Kazakhstan began for the Poles inhabiting the territories occupied by the Red Army.

But this is one of the elements of success. The government of the USSR would refuse responsibility for this war crime and broke diplomatic relations with the Polish government-in-exile in London in April , alleging that it was disseminating Nazi propaganda. There were hundreds, or perhaps thousands, of victims in connection with the repression and imprisonment of Polish patriots and opponents of the new authorities.

Thus during the years of the Cold War, geopolitics determined the domestic and foreign policies of Poland and other countries of the region. Basically, the question was one of subordinating the countries of the Eastern Bloc to the strategic interests of Russia which, in its Soviet incarnation, dominated this part of Europe.

The years — also saw the dissolution of the two most important institutions of the Eastern Bloc—the Comecon and the Warsaw Pact. This question was not related to my doctoral dissertation, but I undertook to answer it. Poland demanded successive acts of expiation. Symbolic issues and the excessive value attached to them have a special place in the Polish perception of Russia. The repeated abuse of the memory of tragic episodes and processes allows politicians to pillory Russia in international public opinion.

Polish governments formed by right-wing parties have shown a particular interest in resorting to such issues. Poland did not agree with the ruling and the disputes with Russia over the subject continued. Even though the more pragmatic center-Left Polish governments of Leszek Miller and Marek Belka sought to cooperate with Russia, the climate of Polish—Russian relations was soured by the right-leaning political opposition PiS and PO and by the anti-Russian stance of the Polish media.

The Polish Ministry of Foreign Affairs protested against this, and pointed out that the USSR had committed armed aggression against Poland in violation of international law and of the PolishSoviet non-aggression treaty of On January 20, , Warsaw declared 9 Russian diplomats as personae non gratae, accusing them of engaging in espionage in Poland.

Russia responded in similar fashion. In February , such disputes were spurred by the stance of the Russian ministry of foreign affairs, which issued a declaration positively interpreting the decisions taken with regard to Poland at Yalta in In July of , the failure to invite Polish representatives to the celebrations of the th anniversary of the founding of Kaliningrad produced disappointment and criticism in Poland.

In July, matters went so far that the children of Russian diplomats were assaulted by hooligans. Quite the contrary, aside from polemicizing with Poland, the president of Russia decided to establish, beginning in , a new national holiday for the Russian Federation, instead of the October Revolution celebration on November 7, November 4 would be National Unity Day to commemorate the expulsion of the Polish army from the Kremlin in The move caused considerable dissatisfaction in Poland.

Problem of PostCommunism, 54 6 , 28—42; Petrova, T. See, for example, F. Ozbay, B. Aras, op. Rosyjski dylemat w polityce zagranicznej Polski po roku. Gil, T. Realizacja p. In May , while addressing the Sejm, the minister of foreign affairs, Anna Fotyga, declared her desire to improve the very tense political relations with Russia.

Consequently, a whole series of mutually unpleasant steps and gestures took place in Polish—Russian relations. In reporting on the visit, Russian media widely informed its public that the Second World War started on September 1, and not on June 22, , as was universally considered in Russia. Warsaw: Ministerstwo Spraw Zagranicznych, See Anna Fotyga, Informacja ministra spraw zagranicznych o zadaniach polskiej polityki zagranicznej w r.

The latter tragedy evoked sympathy and solidarity between Russians and the Poles. The leaders of Russia began to speak publicly to their own society about the responsibility of Stalin and the Communist Party of the Soviet Union for the crimes committed against Poles as well as against millions of citizens of the former USSR. Representatives of both churches discussed how to warm up relations between Poland and Russia.

A little under three years of preparation later, the Polish Catholic Church and the Russian Orthodox Church agreed on the content of a joint address calling for reconciliation between Poles and Russians. It was signed during the visit of a delegation of the Moscow Patriarchate, headed by the Patriarch of Moscow and of all-Russia, Cyril I, on August 16—19, Of course, forgiveness does not mean forgetting. To forgive, however, means to renounce revenge and hatred, to participate in building harmony and fraternity between people, our peoples and countries, and this is the basis for a peaceful future.

Rosja w polityce zagranicznej Polski w okresie pozimnowojennym aspekty polityczne , Studia Politicae Universitatis Silesiensis, 11, 69— It further states that Our nations paid an enormous price for the crimes of totalitarianism. They also express hope for the start of a new stage in relations between our countries, which will develop on the basis of democratic values. And yet we all cannot sum up the courage to abandon this heritage, to show that we ourselves, our predecessors, persecuted our own ourselves, our people.

Russkaya Katyn. Rossiyskaya gazeta, Federalnyy vypusk. See Rotfeld, A. Warsaw: Polish Institute of International Affairs, the entire book has a total of pages. Poland failed to formulate a constructive response however. A campaign accusing Russia and demanding successive acts of expiation following the catastrophe precluded any reconciliation between the Polish and Russian nations. There was a lack of sensibility and conciliation and when these appeared, they were accompanied by destructive acts.

It should be remembered that nations also have their pride, and certainly, the Russian nation is proud. The opposition PiS politicians engaged in ruthless anti-Russian propaganda and accused their opponents in the PO-PSL government of lacking awareness of the dangers Russia posed to Polish independence, of servility toward Russia, and even of betraying Polish national interests.

The apogee was reached after Russian interference in Ukraine in , and from the autumn of the following year it became the policy of the Polish state after PiS came to power in Poland—with a single-party majority government, and Andrzej Duda as president. The Russians did not know about it. I know that this came as a great shock to them.

They learned something not about Polish history, but about their own. After all, the sons and grandchildren of those who died and those who murdered sat in front of the TV sets. Gazeta Wyborcza. Medvedev and Poland B.

Clearly, though, such is the political price to be paid for widespread support for the right-wing nationalist PiS government. The large importance that Poles attach to martyrology in their history is not understood in the West. This is what took place in — and has been going on since the fall of For the right-wing nationalist government, using the Russian ghoul to instill fear in Poles is convenient, because it facilitates the introduction of authoritarian and populist domestic policies.

Stoking fear of German hegemony can be explained similarly. Paradoxically, the politicians who hold power in Warsaw see Poland as a defender and champion of freedom. Characteristically, they fail to appreciate the inconsistency between their domestic policy the violation of the rule of law and their foreign policy, which is increasingly dependent on the USA, a country now led by the populist Donald Trump and drifting away from democratic western European countries.

They are supported intellectually by a group of scientists and publicists, most of whom are institutionally connected with the ruling camp. Their politicized images of the past express a selective approach to Poland's historical tradition and serve only the interests of one political group.

Polityka historyczna. Stolarczyk, M. And although the contemporary condition of the Russian Federation is much weaker than that of tsarist Russia in the nineteenth century or that of the USSR, the sense of Russia as a great power is extremely important for the average Russian.

Posobiye dlya pravyashchikh elit limotrofnykh gosudarstv. Mosow: Institut Russkoy Tsivilizatsii. Osnovy geopolitiki. Geopoliticheskoye budushcheye Rossii. Myslit' Prostranstvom [Fundamentals of Geopolitics. Thinking Spacially]. Kremlowski szaman. Average Russian citizens are unaware of the crimes committed against Poles and members of other nations by the Stalinist regime. Until no too long ago, no information was available to them on the topic, and general knowledge about the millions of mostly nameless citizens of the USSR who died in Soviet camps and prisons does not encourage the public to take special interest in the fate of other nations.

The Polish ambassador in Moscow, Jerzy Bahr, summed up the subject as follows: I am convinced that when we begin to talk quietly with each other they will thank us for having helped them, by means of our victims, to recall the memory of their own victims. They have tens of Katyns on their territory. When they remember them, we will have to make place for them in our Polish memory. That is the logic of reconciliation. Generally, it can be observed that there is a lack of concept or even foreign policy program directed at Poland from Russia on the one hand, and on the other, at Russia from Poland and other Central European countries, which were former Soviet allies in this region.

In seeking to dissolve the Warsaw Pact, which hampered the independence of Central European countries, politicians originating from the democratic opposition were guided by neoliberal concepts, which facilitated the introduction of democratic systemic changes and, in the area of foreign policy, inclined them to reject the realist paradigm, which rests state security on military force and on military alliances ensuring the multiplication of that force.

Rotfeld, A. Torkunow Eds. Warsaw: Polish Institute of International Relations. In this chapter, these issues are treated in passing, as they addressed more in depth in Chap. Reus-Smith, Ch. Millennium, 21 1 , 23— During this period, there was no chance for Poland and other new democracies of Central Europe to accede to those structures, including to NATO, which was busy resolving the fundamental dilemma of its identity in a situation where its previous adversary had disappeared.

This could, especially be seen in the public statements made by the minister of foreign affairs, Krzysztof Skubiszewski, who championed the vision of building a pluralist and cooperative European security system, with the CSCE in a coordinating but not overriding role. The president of the Russian Federation sent a letter on September 15, , to the presidents of the USA and France and the heads of government of Great Britain and Germany in which he expressed his opposition to the plans of extending NATO to the east.

In the years that followed, during which the question of whether Poland would join NATO was decided, Polish—Russian relations systematically worsened. In the event, such a decision by sovereign Poland, aiming at European integration, is not contrary to the interests of other countries, including Russia. Since its return to the international stage in Russia has argued for the indivisibility of European security.

Russia considered that the best solution would be to eliminate military blocs and to base European security on a legally binding agreement of collective security. Decisions in this executive organ in regard to the use of force would have to be undertaken on a consensual basis. Not only was Russia being pushed away from the West but it was even conceivably being treated as a potential adversary.

Pismo ministra inostrannikh diel Rossiyskoy Federacii A. Martino, 23 iunia g. Kozyrev, A. Warsaw: Scholar, p. After the Cold War, the West invited the Central European countries to join its structures, while Russia was offered nothing other than instructions on how to reform. It was put in the corner. It was placed against a wall. He considers this to be a mistake of the West. See Barber, B. However, as Russia was rebuilding its economy and international position it was not in a position to prevent it.

Russian Series, No. The second cold war: Geopolitics and strategic dimension of the USA. Heidelberg: Springer, pp. The legacy of the color revolutions for Russian politics and foreign policy. Problems of Post-Communism, 57 2 , p. European Security, 25 1 , ; Yasterjemskiy, S. Gospoda, Rossiya Vemulas! Kloczkowski Ed. This show of force indicated that Moscow would not hesitate to use military force when its security interests were threatened and that Russia had to be taken into account.

Generally, the West behaved with restraint, but Poland, in an excess of zeal, behaved in a confrontational manner. The proposal referred to traditions harking to Soviet times, when during the height of the Cold War Moscow had suggested concluding a European-wide security treaty with a binding legal mechanism. In June , President Dmitri Medvedev suggested the creation of a new architecture for European security, on international legal bases. Russia in Global Affairs, 3. Accessed June 28, ; Karaganov, S.

Accessed June 28, ; Layton, S. International Relations, 28 1 , 25— Poland also demanded that contingency plans be updated. Thus it should be believed that if, hypothetically speaking, the NATO countries were to make a formal proposal to Russia to join NATO after meeting the proper conditions the Polish political class would largely lose interest in membership in the Alliance. Princeton and Oxford: Princeton University Press, p.

Strategia Rosji wobec Zachodu. For more, see Stolarczyk, M. Rosja w polityce zagranicznej Polski w latach These measures were expanded after the internationalization of the Ukraine crisis in During that crisis, it emerged that Russia and the West had different visions of European security.

Russia considers that it should participate in decisions about the international security of Europe and the world. Such activities were continued from the autumn of by the PiS government, which also insisted on the prolongation of the sanctions imposed by the European Union on Russia after its annexation of Crimea in Poland is especially concerned with the Kaliningrad District, viewing that exclave of Russian territory as a military threat because of the Iskander-M missile system Russia has deployed there in European Security, 25 3 , — Frontline Ukraine: Crisis in the Borderlands.

London: I. Tauris, p. Since the end of the s Polish politicians, particularly of right-wing parties, have claimed that Poland, in importing the majority of its energy resources from Russia, is exposed to the danger of a disruption in supplies and of being blackmailed by that Moscow.

A simple calculation shows that in — Poland was dependent on gas imported from Russia for about 7. These numbers do not indicate a large dependence on gas supplies from Russia. The agreement also called for building of a system of gas pipelines for the transit of Russian gas through Polish territory. After 3 years, on September 25, , the two countries signed a long-term contract for the supply of Russian natural gas to Poland. Part of the oil and gas imported from Russia is traded on the EU internal market.

Poland agreed to the construction on its territory of the Yamal—Europe gas pipeline, which was put into operation in The pipeline runs for km over the territories of Russia, Belarus, Poland km , and Germany. It has a yearly planned carrying capacity of 33 billion m3. From that time Polish politicians, especially those on the Right, have been sounding the alarm on account of the supposed danger of a disruption to the supply of gas and oil from Russia and have proposed looking for alternative suppliers.

Nevertheless, Polish politicians and publicists point out that Russia held back the supply of gas to Ukraine and Belarus, and limitations affected recipients in the EU as well. Such events did occur but even during the most severe crises at the beginning of , when the supply of gas through Ukraine was blocked, Poland was partly compensated by the Yamal—Europe pipeline running through Belarus.

Most Polish politicians did not want to admit that the problem with the transit of gas through Ukraine was due to that country is being penalized for failing to pay for the gas it had imported and for stealing gas. The only rational argument used by the Polish side is that the price Gazprom demands from Poland is probably the highest paid by any European importer. In addition, the last three contracts were concluded in an atmosphere of sharp Polish—Russian disputes on political and historical issues, which made it easier for Russia not to give preferential terms to Poland, an unfriendly country.

The Polish government was also unable to look at the issue of energy security 59 Unge, W. The EU does not conduct an effective energy policy, and its member states are left to fend for themselves in negotiations with Russian suppliers Rosnieft and Gazprom , which take advantage of their monopoly position.

For more than two decades, Poland has been seeking ways to diversify its supply of raw energy resources, particularly of gas. In accordance with the protocol, the supply of gas was to be reduced by Thanks to the combined reduction, Poland could allocate around 5 billion USD less than planned in the earlier contractual obligations for the import of Russian gas.

At that time there was euphoria in Poland based on unreliable estimates that the country would be able to exploit shale gas. This terminal was built for million euro and began much delayed operations in May The Polish government plans to re-export the gas through a gas pipeline that is to be built to the Adria LNG terminal on the island of Krk in Croatia. Poland had 60 For more, see Kaczmarski, M. Warsaw: Wydawnictwa Akademickie i Profesjonalne. Rzeczpospolita, February 13, During that time, LNG is to be delivered in the amount of about 1.

Deliveries of 2 million tonnes of LNG annually approximately 2. On June 12, , a new agreement was signed to increase these deliveries to 3. The so-called Northern Gate is to be a counterweight to the Nord Stream 2 pipeline and other Gazprom initiatives aimed at increasing the dependence of that part of Europe on supplies from Russia.

PAP, June 8, The following day, Poland and the USA signed an agreement on strategic dialogue concerning energy. PAP, December 19, Such a situation will occur on condition that Poland manages to build the Baltic Pipe before the contract with Gazprom expires in The deadline for starting to use the pipeline passed in and was postponed until In contrast, the new contract is good business for the USA.

In accordance with the contract, a second leg of that pipeline was supposed to be built by but Poland did not express interest in the undertaking. Consequently in December , Gazprom proposed instead the construction of so-called connector between the existing gas pipeline and another one running through Slovakia to the Western Europe. Poland did not agree to that suggestion either. In these circumstances, Russia came to an agreement in with the recipients of Russian gas in Western Europe and by the autumn of had built the Nord Stream pipeline, which was not exposed to the caprices of transit countries and circumvented Poland.

The construction evoked a great deal of criticism, led by PiS politicians in Poland, and even greater oversensitivity to the supposedly dangerous energy dependence on 66 In the fall of , it turned out that the construction of Baltic Pipe is behind schedule.

If the project is not completed on time, Poland may be forced to buy gas from that supplied to Germany through the Nord Stream 2 pipeline, which Warsaw views critically. This later caused Poland to be unable to obtain transit fees when disputes grew sharper.

The proposal did not meet with Russian approval. Petersburg for consultations on the matter, but the minister of the treasury was skeptical,70 and in the end Prime Minister Tusk decided to reject the project. Poland took numerous preventive steps in the Nordic countries and the European Commission in order to block the construction of the Nord Stream 2 pipeline.

From autumn of , the PiS government has been very intensively but unsuccessfully trying to halt its construction. In this respect, the government has also made use of the propaganda-based support of the US president, Donald Trump, who in July criticized Germany for its participation in building the new pipeline.

Polish criticism of the Nord Stream pipeline does not increase sympathy for Poland in the European Union, which is divided on the issue. For countries such as Germany or the Netherlands, Russia is a reliable business partner as a gas supplier, and cooperation with Russia has value in itself as a stabilizing factor in Europe.

The actions of successive Polish governments, with the exception of the centerleft government of —, have shown that their energy policy is subordinated to a general strategy seeking to restrain and harm Russia, which the Polish Right sees as the main threat to countries in the region. Later, as a PO politician and head of diplomacy in Donald Tusk's government, he did not repeat such formulas. Questions having to do with identity, which are not analyzed here but which shape the emotional attitudes kindred nations have toward one another, are also very important.

These changes were possible because they were conducted prudently, in a way that did not lead to international discord. The West, which had emerged as the victor at the end of the Cold War, wanted the Eastern Bloc to be dismantled gradually and without sparking any hampering reactions within the leadership of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, which was opposed to these changes.

As politicians of the transformation camp admitted in unpublished discussions, when President George H. This work mostly follows the neorealistic perspective, which omits the issues of the identity of Poles and Russians, but makes it easier to analyze more thoroughly the functioning of foreign policy and state security in the framework of the ongoing evolution of the international order.

Research from the constructivist perspective is valuable, but deserves a different scholarly treatment. The entire process ended successfully for Poland. The greatest impatience on that issue was displayed by Hungary, whose parliament even passed a resolution insisting on the dissolution of that alliance. Poland, similarly to Czechoslovakia, adopted a moderate stance, arguing for the gradual dismantling of the Warsaw Pact, beginning with the dissolution of its military structures.

Similarly, Poland did not step out of line with Western countries and did not hasten to recognize the Baltic republics when they announced their independence. In addition, there were fears, particularly in the USA, that Soviet nuclear arms might be dispersed and later used by irresponsible states or terrorist groups.

It was known that the allies sought additional agreements with 84 3 Russia as the Main Problem in Polish Foreign and Security Policy Russia so that the process of admitting new members would be as non-confrontational as possible.

The USA appeared to treat Russia as a junior partner and ceased to take notice of its objections, as was shown by the fact that the severely worsening relations between Poland and Russia in the s did not hold back NATO expansion. Thus Poland, in entering the most important structures of the Western alliance did not need to worry about improving its relations with Russia. Polish politicians naively thought that joining NATO and beginning accession negotiations with the EU in March would make partnership dialogue with Russia easier.

They also devoted considerable attention to historical issues—the harm done to Poles by Russians, and compensation for the victims. Enjoying a sense of success from belonging to Western structures, Polish politicians behaved as if they stood at the helm of a strong country that could dictate conditions to a great power.

The most important context for a settling of accounts between Poland and Russia in regard to history was the silence surrounding the mass murders committed by Ukrainian nationalists in Volhynia and Eastern Galicia, where the Banderites engaged in ethnic cleansing and murdered about , Polish civilians. For over 20 years, the Polish authorities have had different standards for the crimes committed against Poles by Russians and Ukrainians.

But many times that number of civilians died at the hands of Ukrainian nationalists. In addition, in its sharp condemnation of Stalinist crimes against Poles, Poland ascribed them to Russians, while in reality the perpetrators also included Soviet citizens who were not Russians.

Without mutual recognition and elucidation of all the harm experienced and caused to Poles by neighboring nations, reconciliation and the passage to partnership and cooperation is not possible. Polish governments have concentrated on settling accounts only with Russia. The situation shows the great barrier that nationalism represents to reconciliation between nations. Poland is conducting an anti-Russian policy. Now, it is bearing the political and psychosocial consequences from the side of Ukraine, whose nationalist policies are directed not only against Russia but also against Poland.

The domination of Polish—Russian relations by unsettled historical wrongs led the Germans to raise similar issues. That such demands should have been raised after Poland began accession negotiations with the European Union was not a coincidence, and the petitioners counted on being able to pursue their claims before European courts after Poland had joined the Union.

While demanding admissions of guilt and a settlement of historical wrongs from Russia, it rejected any sort of discussion about the postulates raised by the circles of resettled Germans. Even though there can be no equivalence between the demands of the Polish authorities in regard to Russia and the demands of the German expellees with regard to Poland, the situation was yet uncomfortable for Polish diplomacy.

It should be noted in passing that Poland was fortunate in the essential success of Polish—German reconciliation. Many positive things also occurred in Polish—Russian relations after the Cold War. In spite of the continual worries about energy policy bruited by Polish politicians, it must be noted that the long-term contracts signed in for the supply of natural gas gave the Polish economy the resources it needed, thank to which the economy was able to grow without problems.

These were the conditions in the years — when new treaty and political bases Polish—Russian relations took shape. While conducting hostile polemics with Russia in the years —, Poland did not have the best relations with countries such as Germany or France, which are traditionally interested in expanding European-wide cooperation. Our government unblocked relations with Russia not to please anyone, as the Law and Justice opposition says, but so as to achieve more for Poland.

In Western Europe, serious leaders and diplomats appreciate and respect this. But there are also those, who look at it with certain envy. Because they would like to have a monopoly on European contacts with the Kremlin and to place Poland in the role of a troublemaker.

See Sikorski, R. Lekcje historii, modernizacja i integracja. As a result, Russia embarked on a policy of balancing and of rebuilding its great power status on the international stage. Poland lost its attractiveness in the eyes of Russian politicians. Not long ago, during the Ukraine crisis, a confrontation reminiscent of Cold War times occurred between the West and Russia.

In that confrontation, Poland took on the role of a leading critic of Russia, and thus contributed to the regress in Polish—Russian relations. Since the PiS government was formed in the fall of , Polish—Russian relations have been at an impasse, the greatest since Poland almost entirely froze relations with Russia, and the lack of policy toward that powerful neighbor was replaced by ineffective radicalism. No meetings of Polish and Russian foreign ministers, or meetings at a higher level, took place in — In considering the historical context and contemporary geopolitics, the Turkish experts F.

Polska wobec Rosji. Radykalizm bez polityki. Warsaw: Fundacja im. Stefana Batorego. It did not produce any concrete results, but both ministers announced that political consultations at the level of directors of both ministries of foreign affairs would take place. Koniec polsko-rosyjskiej grupy ds. However, these ambitions run deep in the collective consciousness at both the level of the state and of society. The excess of ambiguity does not provide much hope for better relations in the short-to-medium term, if not in the long run.

Alexeev, D. Fotyga, A. Informacja ministra spraw zagranicznych o zadaniach polskiej polityki zagranicznej w r. Geremek, B. Warszawa: Ministerstwo Spraw Zagranicznych, Bahr, J. Barber, B. Rozmowa z Benjaminem Barberem. Rzeczpospolita Plus Minus. Becker, M. Reviving the Russian empire: the Crimean intervention through a neoclassical realist lens.

European Security, 25 1 , — Bukharin, S. Ciosek, S. Doerre, P. Thinking spacially]. References 91 Building a modern security community in the area from vancouver to vladivostok. Warszawa: Wydawnictwa Akademickie i Profesjonalne. Realizacja pp. Towards a new euro-atlantic security architecture. Report of the Russian experts for the valdai discussion club conference.

Kokot, M. Kortunov, C. Mirovaya politika v uslovyakh krizisa [World politics in conditions of crisis]. Kowal, P. NATO Review, 42 4 , 3—6. Krzymowski, A. Kublik, A. Layton, S. Lis, T. Cracow: Wydawnictwo Znak.

Lukyanov, F. Moniz Bandeira, L. Heidelberg: Springer. Ozbay, F. Polish-Russian relations: History, geography and geopolitics. Petrova, T. Pifer, S. Problem of PostCommunism, 54 6 , 28— Reus-Smith, C. Realists and resistance utopias: Community, security and political action in the new Europe.

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